The non-victimized siblings in incestuous families have often been ignored in research, literature, and treatment. This study explored these siblings' 1) relationship to the victim, 2) attribution of blame, and 3) adjustment. Participants were 30 non-victimized siblings of incest victims, between the ages of 8 and 14. They completed the Sibling Relationship Questionnaire, the Revised Children's Manifest Anxiety Scale, the Self-perception Profile for Children, the Children's Depression Inventory, and a questionnaire developed for this research. Participants' scores were compared with the normative sample scores on several measures. Siblings perceived little warmth and closeness in their relationships to their victimized sisters. Rivalry and conflict were within normal limits. Siblings blamed victims and other family members less than expected, with the greatest amount of blame attributed to perpetrators. Adjustment was impaired. Males demonstrated less athletic competence, less global self-worth, more worry and oversensitivity than normative samples. Females showed a tendency toward less global self-worth and heightened general anxiety. Siblings' overall level of emotional distress was higher than most of the normative samples.

Child sexual abuse in its various guises is a phenomenon that has been part and parcel of society for centuries. It is only in the last few decades, however, that professional and societal interest in this social tragedy has been triggered, and continues to increase. The consequences and impact of child sexual abuse are far-reaching. Not only are individual victims marred by its consequences, but so too does it profoundly affect family systems and societies. As a result of professional interest in this field which has been fuelled by the popular media, the cloak of social secrecy which has covered this previously taboo subject has been shed. Although still hugely under-reported, sometimes even denied and buried by some individuals and societies, it is now widely acknowledged that child sexual abuse is a stark reality. Definitions of this phenomenon abound, with some definitions being more descriptive than others. The grooming process often forms an integral part of child sexual abuse. Through purposefully constructed relationships with their victims, sex offenders make their victims feel responsible for, complicit in and guilty about the abuse. The child is therefore tricked into keeping the abuse a secret. Often the child may not realise that what is happening is in fact abusive. Through grooming the abusive behaviour is normalised and the child may believe that it is part of an affectionate and caring relationship with the offender. The victim often gets lost in the labyrinth of confusion created by a web of deceit, which may result in consensual sexual activities between the child and the sex offender, a fact which is widely acknowledged. Consent is often raised as a defence when sex offenders are charged with and prosecuted for their crimes, more specifically in relation to victims who are over the age of twelve years and more frequently in relation to victims who are sixteen years and older. This consent, however, ought not to be valid for purposes of any sexual activities between such adults and children. Consent is often given as a consequence of the unique dynamics of the grooming process and the imbalance of power and authority. Furthermore, the child’s level of understanding and life experience, as shaped by the grooming process, may also have an important impact on ostensible consent given. South African courts, in accordance with international trends, have apparently started acknowledging the impact of the grooming process on consent given by children in sexual abuse cases. Some courts, as of late, are prepared to more readily reject the defence of consent in such cases. It is noteworthy that this trend has started to develop in South Africa even prior to the commencement of the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act 32 of 2007. This act defines consent for purposes of the newly created offences, and also stipulates the circumstances in which ostensible consent does not comply with the definition. This definition does not differ materially from the “traditional” approach to consent that was applied prior to the commencement of this act. Furthermore, a number of new offences were created, amongst them the offence of sexual grooming of children. Courts can therefore no longer ignore the existence of the grooming phenomenon and the impact thereof in child sexual abuse cases.

published_or_final_version / Social Work and Social Administration / Master / Master of Social Sciences

As the first exploratory qualitative study on child sexual abuse in the People's Republic of China, this study adopted system-individual-culture-gender-resilience perspectives under social constructionism approach using the family as the unit of study, and extended the research parameters beyond the individual child to other systems. The data was collected through ethnography, family and couple interviews, individual interviews with parents and the abused children, participant and part-participant observation by this researcher in a village in north-eastern China. Six families were selected for the study, each with a 10-year-old daughter who had been sexually abused by the same male teacher for two years, with the said teacher engaging in molestation, masturbation, oral sex, intercourse, etc. on the girls, two of whom were also known to have been physically abused. The researcher conducted the field study between eight and thirteen months after the disclosure (over a six-month period), and sought to understand the family experiences from seven aspects: the disclosure process, the family coping, traumatic experiences (including the abused and their family), the family relational process, the reactions from extra-familial systems, the healing process for the abused, and the need for professional support. / Results indicated that while the entire family was traumatically impacted, there were significant differences in reactions from male and female parents. In responding to "one of their own" being sexually exploited by an outsider, parents made concerted efforts in facing external ramifications, often at the expense of marginalizing the abused daughter and adding an extra burden on the whole family in healing from the trauma. Furthermore, parents were observed to become more protective in the process, providing physical care and material needs, and refraining from mentioning the trauma before the abused. As for emotional support, families varied in their coping at different stages in time. At the initial stage, parents seemed to be overshadowed by shame towards their daughter's loss of chastity. As time went by, they resumed their parenting routine, until eventually the adult-, sibling- and extended family relations constituted a circular impact that would in turn impact on the parent-child relations. The external systems, the family relational reality before disclosure, as well as family financial conditions combined could either facilitate or hinder the family system in seeking change. / The study further analyzed the systems and cultural mechanisms vis-a-vis the traumatic experience and family support, seeking to de-construct the chastity myth in the Chinese rural culture, as well as expert discourses in mainstream western research that focused on a psycho-pathological approach to study trauma. It further challenged the cultural practice of attributing blame to the individuals and their family, and provided recommendations to address the above-mentioned issues. / Western studies on the sexual abuse of children and the resulting trauma on the abused and their families have adopted primarily a psycho-pathological perspective. This has led to the tendency of blaming the victim, the mother and the family. Until now, comparative studies on this subject have not been carried out in a Chinese context. / 龍迪. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2005. / 參考文獻(p. 464-487). / Adviser: Joyce Ma. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-07, Section: A, page: 2753. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts also in English. / School code: 1307. / Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2005. / Can kao wen xian (p. 464-487). / Long Di.

D.Ed. / The underlying dynamics of Cases A and B have been integrated into a comprehensive description in this chapter. The cross case analysis allowed the researcher to determine the similarities and differences in these two cases. These research findings were then verified against a detailed literature control. The research, as verified by current literature, shows that women who were sexually abused as children all suffer from an Identity Problem. Most literature on the treatment of sexual abuse victims stresses the need to address the women's low selfesteem. Yet, the treatment is geared at her present low self-esteem believed to be a result of the abuse. The research findings agree that sexually abused women have low self-esteem, although their Identity Problem is not a result of the abuse, but an intensification of an already present low self-esteem and Identity Problem. The research findings indicate that their Identity Problems started before the abuse, as early as in the womb. The present Identity Problem renders the young girl more vulnerable to the abuse. The treatment of women who were sexually abused as children should be aimed at reconstructing their Identity's and specifically at treating the root cause of the problem, which is not the abuse itself. Women who were sexually abused as children are prone to feelings of worthlessness and responsibility. Powered by their Identity Problem, a Spiritual Walking Zombie Syndrome develops. Sexually abused women have an overwhelming sense of being responsible for others. And if they cannot keep others happy, which is impossible, they feel like failures and think they are worthless. The feeling of being responsible starts before the sexual violation and the abuse only intensifies these feelings. The research finds that sexual abuse can be a physical, subconscious threat to a person. Subconscious reactions to life threatening incidents differ from individual to individual. If one has accepted death one tends to act dead-like. On the other hand, if one expects death one lives in fear of dying and life is full of disasters. The research also finds that as a result of pre-natal and early childhood experiences, sexually abused women tend to act immaturely when compared to their chronological age. Their immaturity is evident in their dress, their constant self-rejection and by their dysfunctional relationships. From the research findings it is clear that each individual plays out her own life script. This life script determines how she reacts to herself and her environment. Women who were sexually abused as children have a similar life script, which in turn makes them more prone to abuse. Sexually abused women deny themselves the right to be themselves. Their perceived shameful existence, of relegating themselves, starts prior to the abuse. Treatment should therefore address these destructive life scripts and not treat the presenting symptoms. Chapter 7 proposes recommendations for the treatment and prevention of sexual abuse.