The silence and invisibility of gay and lesbian educators has perpetuated the oppression of heterosexism in our schools. Some affected areas are educational policy, curriculum, and the school environment itself. Gay and lesbian students and educators are at risk in most schools because safe working and learning environments do not always exist for those who are not heterosexual. In 1992, Massachusetts Governor William Weld created the nation's first Governor's Commission on Gay and Lesbian Youth to investigate the epidemic of suicides by gay and lesbian adolescents. School environments, with regard to homophobia, were outlined. Students and teachers testified of verbal and physical abuse of gay and lesbian students. The Safe Schools Program was created to address these issues and to promote safe and supportive school environments to assist gay and lesbian students in realizing their full learning potential. Through in-depth interviewing, data was gathered from "explicitly out" (Griffin, 1992) gay and lesbian educators who work at Massachusetts schools participating in the Safe Schools Program. From the interview data, portraits of each participant were shaped and common themes identified, to answer the question, "What is it like to be a gay or lesbian educator working in a Massachusetts school participating in the Safe Schools Program?" Data was viewed through the lenses of oppression theory, heterosexism and identity theory. Participants stated their negative experiences were tied to homophobia, mostly internalized, which paralleled past studies. Their positive experiences were related to being "out." They described reaching a level of self-acceptance to be "out" at school and in their daily lives. For the participants, working in the Safe Schools Program was a positive experience. For the schools they work in, there has been forward motion toward a safer environment. Gay and lesbian educators make the Safe Schools Program a success and the Safe Schools Program gives them the social and legal permission to do the work. Future research could study experiences of gay or lesbian educators who are closeted and work in participating schools, who are "publicly out" (Griffin, 1992) and working in Safe Schools Programs, or who reside in other states.

The problem explored in this study is that African American, Hispanic American, and Native American students have a tendency to experience much lower levels of academic success in United States public schools than do European American and Asian American students. With such a problem defined, the purpose of the study becomes clear; to facilitate increased academic success of African American, Hispanic American, Native American, and other minority youth not experiencing academic success. The problem is shown to be pervasive by examining indicators of academic success and ethnic group membership on both the national level and on the level of the researcher's data from some of his teaching experiences in multicultural classrooms (N = 39) and from surveying experienced ESL teachers in a MAT program (N = 23). A survey was also given to middle and high school teacher interns being trained at a major U.S. university (N = 62). It was found that although these interns were well aware of how ethnic differentials in academic success were manifest in the U.S., they had little factual knowledge as to why these differentials exist and are a serious problem in need of speedy solutions. Hence, this study proposes that one way to facilitate minority academic success is to educate future teachers about the true reasons for ethnic differentials in academic success and about why these differentials are indeed a serious problems. Also generated from the teacher intern survey were data identifying some proposed teacher, school administrative, and teacher training program initiatives that were seen by the teacher interns as being potentially highly effective in facilitating the academic success of minority youth. The study concludes with suggestions for teacher, curriculum, school administrator, and teacher training program initiatives to facilitate increased academic success of African American, Hispanic American, and Native American youth, mainly by reducing the need to adopt alternation models of behavior in order to do well in school. It is proposed that such a goal can be accomplished through the inclusion of minority cultures and knowledge in the curricula, pedagogy, evaluation, and governing of schools.

The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze principal behaviors and leadership characteristics that positively influence the organizational coherence and capacity of schools and subsequently, positively influence student achievement. This was achieved through the use of an in-depth, exploratory multi-case study design that examined the leadership of two principals of urban elementary schools who had led their schools from being underperforming to performing. The two findings of this study are that 1) instructional leaders engage in work that either directly or indirectly: focuses on learning for students and adults; communicates high expectations for student achievement and instruction; uses data to inform the work of the school, and develops a community that is unified around one vision and one mission for the school; and 2) the actions of principals that demonstrate the leadership traits of being carried by strong professional will and being personally humble and modest influence the level of effectiveness of the work of the principal in positively influencing student achievement. The findings of this study were the result of analysis of data that was gathered through a review of relevant documents, interviews with principals and teachers, and the identification and observation of artifacts that were identified through the interview as being the most important to improving student achievement. Based on these findings, the following conclusions were made: the construct of instructional leadership is defined by two elements—the work of the principal and the leadership of the principal. The principal's influence in each of the elements of the work of the principal may be direct or indirect. The leadership traits of principals who are instructional leaders are defined as carried by strong professional will and being personally humble and modest. These leadership traits are not necessarily balanced—one may be stronger than the other—but they are necessary for the development of shared ownership of outcomes on the part of teachers. The findings of this study provide clarity. Instructional leadership is not a one size fits all idea whose existence is linked to a single measure of student achievement but is instead a framework to be implemented and defined in practice by individual principals based upon their personal strengths and the needs of their schools.

This study examined graduate experiences among Black, female, doctoral students and degree completers, and how they perceived the effect of individual and institutional factors in relation to their persistence at a predominantly White institution. Research indicates that graduate students are not typically leaving because of academic failure (Baird, 1993; Moody, 2004; Nerad & Miller, 1996). Instead, a combination of individual and institutional factors best explain causes of attrition among graduate students in general and among Black, female, graduate students at predominantly White campuses in particular (Hinton-Johnson, 2003; Lovitts, 2001). The theoretical framework of this study was drawn from Vincent Tinto's (1987) Model of Institutional Departure, Rendon, Jalomo, and Nora's (2000) conceptual framework on minority student retention and Black Feminist Epistemology (P. H. Collins, 2000). The research methodology focused on the analysis of qualitative data gained from direct interviews and a focus group to determine common themes (factors). Data were collected from four Black, female, doctoral students and four degree completers from one major research university. The results of this study will extend the limited literature on the persistence of Black, female, doctoral students at predominantly White institutions of higher education.

This study presents information from in-depth interviews with seven African-American female administrators of public schools in New England. Their experiences and socially constructed meanings for their lives and work provide both personal and organizational insights into creative and sustaining leadership roles for minority women. Participants were interviewed in homes and offices. They are well-educated, have traveled, live in middle class sections of the cities or towns, and engaged in social, educational, charitable, and spiritual activities in their communities. Interviews took place from November 1986 through February 1987, spaced three days apart for each participant. The audio tapes were listened to, transcribed, and examined. Interviews concentrated on historical experiences, factors which influenced the participants to enter the field of education, and the meaning of work. These interviews gave voice to an often ignored segment of school leadership, especially in New England. Several common themes and patterns emerged in this study: (1) historical; (2) oppression, discrimination, and racism; (3) determination and stamina; and (4) pride and self-esteem. The participants spoke of obstacles and biases, as well as their own pride and self respect. They described the importance of strong family support and high expectations from family, teachers, and friends. They cited positive role models and early educational experiences that encouraged and inspired them. Despite the oppression, discrimination, racism, and sexism they encountered, these women maintained determination and positive self-esteem. They also acknowledged the importance of mentors, networks, and collegial support systems in sustaining them throughout their careers as administrators in public education. The study concluded with recommendations (1) for African-American women employed in public school administration in New England, (2) for researchers, and (3) for schools of education and inservice programs of public school systems.

The study explores the complexity of female literacy from the live experiences of women. The purpose of this qualitative research is to describe rural women's perceptions about literacy to assess how it impacts their lives. Female literacy is exceptionally low in Nepal. In spite of the efforts to raise women's educational status through literacy programs, women have rarely benefited from them. Most literacy programs are top-down, short-term, often organized by outside literacy providers, usually males. These programs are resource intensive, keeping their services from reaching a multitude of illiterates. In addition, the teaching methods, materials and program strategies used in most adult literacy programs hardly reflect, in particular, the interest, needs and concerns of women. Since there are few studies describing women's perceptions about literacy, we have little understanding of the complexity of female literacy. What did literacy mean to rural women? What did the women perceive as benefits from literacy? What types of literacy programs are beneficial to them? The study sheds light on these fundamental questions. Using the participants' observation, in-depth interviews and focus group discussions, this study collected qualitative data from 150 hours of observation, 15 individual in-depths interviews and six focus group discussions with 48 rural women. The data was collected from twelve sites across the country over a period of two years. The study indicates that rural women need literacy skills for fulfilling their needs as expressed in social, cultural and economic practices. The need for literacy to actively participate in economic activities was, however, felt strongly by most of the rural women. Changes in women's lives were indicated by their increased knowledge, positive attitude and new behavior. Rural women's abilities to articulate their concerns, participate in decision-making, and to organize themselves for collective actions were some of the examples that entailed a change in their lives. Even for those who did not become fully literate, these experiences were empowering. The study also indicates that rural women benefited from literacy programs that focused on both functional and liberating elements.

The purpose of this study is to examine a small number of minority retention programs in the North, South and Mid-West in order to determine why African-American students at predominantly-white institutions of higher education continue to face greater social and academic adjustment problems than their white counterparts. The literature supports the researcher's contention that the needs of many African-American students enrolled in various colleges and universities across the country, are not well met. While some institutions have established retention programs (some more successful that others), many more have not. Institutions of higher education, this study concludes, should be required to not only examine the needs of African-American students, but also to implement programs to address the needs. This comparative analysis, uses a historical framework to examine a few of the retention program that are successfully addressing a significant number of the educational needs of African-American students at peer institutions. Programs examined are: The Committee for the Collegiate Education Of Blacks and Other Minority Students (CCEBMS) University of Massachusetts, Amherst, Massachusetts; The Educational Opportunity Program (EOP) University of California, Santa Barbara, Center for Academic Program (CAP) University of Connecticut, Storrs Connecticut, The African-American Student Partnership Program (AASP) and the Minority Student Access Network program (MSAN) University of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado and the Academic Support and Assistant Program (ASAP) and the Promoting Academically Successful Students (PASS) University of South Carolina, Columbia South Carolina.

This thesis describes the profile characteristics and role of the chief business officer in colleges and universities in the northeastern United States. Part I describes the "who" dimension of the CBOs. It compares the age, sex, race, length of employment in present position, and the highest academic degree held by the CBOs. Part II of the study examines the "what" dimension of the CBOs. This part focusses on the level of responsibility CBOs actually have and the level of responsibility they think the position should have for them to function most effectively. The data collected compared the public and private institutions of higher education. The population studied consisted of chief business officers of public and private higher education institutions with enrollments of 1,000 or more. The data were gathered through a mail questionnaire. Major findings of the study are: (1) The overwhelming majority of CBOs are middle-aged, White males. (2) The majority of CBOs hold earned graduate degrees in business administration. Many CBOs hold more than one graduate degree and the previous experience in college business administration was believed to be the best background for the job. (3) Fiscal and financial management duties were judged the most important functions of the CBO. (4) Among the fiscal and financial management duties, adhering to the budgeting procedure was the single most important job function, followed by fiscal and management audits and internal control. The findings confirmed the general belief that, with increasing financial pressure, higher education has to be particularly sensitive to the fiscal and procedural accountability. (5) The majority of the CBOs would like to get more involved in institutional policy-making. This may be a major finding because it seems contrary to the common belief that CBOs do not like to get involved in institutional policy-making functions and academic administrative management. (6) There was very little difference between the role functions of CBOs in public and private institutions.

This study explores higher education's role in meeting small business employees' continuing education needs. There is a growing need for the interpretation of knowledge in small business today. To stay competitive, and even to survive, businesses need a more rapid dissemination and application of knowledge. This challenge for small businesses is being created by changing skill requirements in the workplace, an aging workforce, a worsening labor shortage, demographic changes (including more women, immigrants, and minorities), and international competition. The challenge for small businesses is further emphasized by the Hudson Institute in Workforce 2000 when they predict that new jobs and most of the new wealth over the next decade will have to come from non-manufacturing small businesses. They predict that many of these new jobs will require much higher skill levels than the jobs today. On-the-job-training programs in small businesses often lack the structure and content needed by employees. Many small businesses neither have the expertise to develop continuing education programs adequate to meet their employee needs, nor the resources to purchase programs outside as larger businesses do. These are important gaps. Small businesses see the tasks of educating their employees particularly urgent as they prepare for the demands of the changing economy with their limited resources. This study will provide necessary data about current and future small business employees' continuing education needs. It will be of interest to higher education institutions who wish to participate in employee continuing education for small businesses. It is a demand survey that identifies key training issues and gaps, and provides detailed information on the nature of the demand of small businesses for employee continuing education. Fifty-six different eastern Massachusetts small businesses from thirty-one different communities were surveyed through structured personal interviews. The results suggest that small businesses consider employee continuing education to be an important function of their business. They would like to work more closely with higher education institutions in closing the gaps in their employees' continuing education needs.

The purpose of this study is to increase what is known about higher education collective bargaining provisions that impact on part-time faculty. In addition, the study explores whether these contract provisions result in flexible personnel policies and procedures which are responsive to the differences among part-time higher education faculty. The study involves a content analysis of 1988 higher education collective bargaining agreements, using a modified Ikenberry coding instrument. The analysis was conducted in two phases. First, all 1988 higher education collective bargaining agreements (453) were reviewed to determine the total number of agreements that include part-time faculty in the recognition statement. In the second phase 190 of the 205 agreements including part-time faculty were content analyzed for information on employment conditions, personnel policies, access to facilities, compensation, and fringe benefits. Data collected from 1988 higher education contracts was compared to data collected by Ikenberry on 1977 higher education contracts. Also, data on 1988 contracts with part-time only units was compared to 1988 contracts with part-time/full-time units. Changes in 1988 contracts, when compared to 1977 contracts, were toward providing part-time faculty with temporary employment only and developing provisions which result in policies and procedures which are different for part-time faculty than they are for full-time faculty. Generally, 1988 contracts with part-time/full-time units were found to be more suitable for the person who depends on his part-time position for the necessities of life and can commit to not only teaching but also other faculty duties. 1988 contracts with part-time only units appear to be more suitable to the person who has a full-time commitment elsewhere and therefore does not need fringe benefits and is unable to contribute to the college beyond teaching and holding office hours. The analysis also showed that although there is no one contract that uses the different characteristics of part-time faculty as an overall guiding principle for developing provisions, there are many contracts across the country which have provisions which are different for those part-time faculty who wish to invest themselves thoroughly in their college work rather than teach as an avocation.