This study examines whether or not the political behaviors of black women maternal figures in traditional or nontraditional political means, influence their daughter’s future political activities. This research stems from the problem regarding the limited analysis of black mother-daughter relationships, the scholarship’s lack of analysis of how this relationship explains the origin of black women’s activism, and the limited definition of political activity, engagement, and efficacy for African-American women. Data for this research was gathered by utilizing the qualitative method of case studies and narrative analysis. Based on the data collected, the researcher found that while black women activists idolized their maternal figures, it varied whether they defined their maternal figures as activists. However, all of the participants highlighted certain tenants of black womanhood that were utilized for their physical survival as well as their survival as activists. While their maternal figures were an influence to their activism, their childhood experiences in a geographic location led to their participation in the movement more than their maternal figures. Furthermore, African-American women engage in activism and politics through collective participation, grassroots organization, nonviolent protest, and community advocacy. The conclusion drawn from this research is whether maternal figures are essential for black women’s activism. Based on this research, these maternal figures are partly influential to black women’s activism by providing them an example of black womanhood as well as the tools necessary to facilitate their activism.

Includes abstract. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 70-80). / The introduction of a democratic dispensation in South Africa in April 1994, drew the idea of public participation in public affairs into the spotlight. Section 152 (I) of the Constitution (Act 108 of 1996) provides for public involvement in the sphere of local government by compelling it to "provide democratic and accountable government for local communities; and encourage the involvement of communities and community organisations in the matters of local government." The intention behind the decentralisation refonns was to transfonn local councils into organs with significant responsibility for the socio-economic well-being of all communities. Municipalities are mandated to promote developmental local govel11ment which focuses on development in an integrated and sustainable manner, and address socio-economic inequalities. The objective of this thesis is to establish whether structures at local government level which are set up to enhance public participation in local decision-making, are effective and whether participation is meaningful. Particular attention will be given to prominent platforms for public participation at local government level namely: Integrated Development Planning and Ward Committees in the period post-2000 to date. Subjecting such approaches to rigorous critical analysis is as important as constantly asserting their benefits. For the purposes of this dissertation secondary sources will be used; looking at books, briefing and conference papers, academic debates and literature and past studies done on lDPs and ward committees in practice in different areas in South Africa. Literature assessing the cunent state of public participation in local government will be articulated and analysed. The challenges identified are grouped into three broad themes, namely, political, administrative/capacity, and sociological.

With minorities expected to become the majority in the U.S. by 2050, it is important to consider the impact of diverse groups as political influencers and decision-makers. Despite an ever-growing population, levels of political participation in the form of voter turnout remain low among Latinos. As a matter of public policy, political participation is essential to groups who are under-represented in political structures. Puerto Ricans within Central Florida represent one of the largest concentrations of Latinos in the state of Florida, a population which in recent years has demonstrated a greater interest in political participation. This brings into question the relevancy of political participation among Latinos Puerto Ricans in Central Florida. Existing literature indicates that Latinas are influencers and drivers of change within their communities and may be the key to increasing political participation for the greater Latino community. Through a series of 12 interviews and 2 focus groups with Latinas of Puerto Rican origin, this study explored the relevancy of political participation among the Latino community in Central Florida, the factors that influence their participation, and their perceptions on how to improve both the quantity and quality of political participation. This study found these Latinas represent civically minded, socially connected, and actively engaged women who care about supporting the Puerto Rican community within Central Florida through political participation. Their heritage and cultural upbringing have motivated them to be politically active and in turn motivate others in their community towards political participation to address significant issue. Furthermore, Latinas, by leveraging the power of their social capital in the form of social network associations, have the potential to influence the broader community to increase the quantity and quality of their political participation.

The purpose of this mixed-methods study is to examine whether differences exist between the digital media promotion of marijuana policies by organizations based on their type (liberal, federal government, or conservative ). Concerns about illicit drug use in America are apparent when looking at the current discourse on marijuana policy. This discourse has been impacted by the media's construction of the drug problem and how that problem is defined by different sources. This messaging has the potential to impact societal views on crime, justice, and related policies. In the process of media persuasion, there are various organizations conveying divergent marijuana policies through strategic efforts utilizing digital media. These campaigns are instruments through which goals of enacting social change and influencing policy are pursued. This study is an exploratory investigation into how organizations are using digital media (specifically Internet websites) to promote marijuana policies. Constructivist inquiry was employed to provide knowledge about how the selected organizations included in the sample are using digital media to advance agendas (the goal of which is to influence support for different marijuana policies). Although similarities were found when the content analysis was conducted, there was divergence on most measures. Variation between the messaging strategies of organizations, based on their type, may impact who is the recipient of the organizations' messages, how they are received, and potentially how they influence future behaviors and policies.

Urban pedestrianism is increasingly perceived as a dangerous form of travel. While roadway design has been historically scaled to cars instead of people, planning professionals are now re-thinking their approach to make roads more inclusive for all travelers. Scholars, however, have learned harbored fear can trump behavior even under ideal travel conditions. Such fear can adversely impact perceived pedestrian self-efficacy, which is the self-generated internal assessment or belief in a traveler's agentive abilities to navigate the travel environment. The challenge thus becomes twofold: improve the built environment while bolstering traveler confidence. The following study, therefore, employed a qualitative phenomenological research design to ascertain the concerns and perceptions of vulnerable travelers as it pertained to and was affected by travel-specific media. The study employed denizens selected from the Central Florida community of Conway, who were interviewed using a multi-method approach employing a semi-structured interview technique utilizing individual interviews and small focus group sessions. Using Social Cognitive Theory (SCT) as the theoretical framework, the researcher studied and documented the elements contributing to the perceptions of pedestrian travelers. The rationale for this approach is found in the dynamic relationships that exist between the objective travel environment, the perceived travel environment, and travel behavior - all representing the triad of cognition, the external environment, and social stimuli, which encompass Bandura's Triadic Reciprocal Determinism (TRD). The four themes that emerged from the data analysis - communication, safety, cost, and happiness - characterize the experiences of the participants as they watched positively-themed media images modeling civil travel behavior. This research adds to existing literature on the magnitude such themes have on perception, to include latent perceptions harbored by pedestrian commuters concerning dangers - real or imagined - of traveling on local roadways.

Using 166 IPV police reports in Jamaica, this mixed-methods study (a) explored the utility of routine activities theory and control balance theory for explaining the relationship between victim employment and IPV; (b) explored risk factors for IPV; and (c) examined the relationships between victim employment and victim income status with IPV murder and IPV severity in the Jamaica. Content analysis of the narratives of the police reports supported both theories suggesting an integration of the two theories may be most fitting. Estrangement and infidelity emerged as bold themes. Infidelity was identified as an additional risk factor in the Jamaican context. Quantitative analysis revealed that employed victims and victims with income were significantly older than their counterparts. Being unemployed and having no income were associated with being female. Male victims were 4.98 times more likely to be employed and 7.30 times more likely to have income than female victims. Older victims were 2.36 times more likely to have income than younger victims. Victim employment and victim income status failed to predict the odds of IPV murder or to impact the level of IPV severity. However, the offender's weapon emerged as a salient predictor. When an offender used a sharp weapon or a gun, the odds of the victim being murdered was 4.77 greater and .71 greater respectively than if no such weapon was used. Using a sharp weapon magnified the IPV severity (B = 1.20) while using a gun reduced the IPV severity (B = .78). This study is useful for informing public policies addressing IPV in Jamaica.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Bowling Green State University, 2009. / Document formatted into pages; contains xvii, 163 p. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Washington State University, May 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-120).

Thesis (M.J.)--Boston University

In 2015, 78% of Detroit's city council was African American--the highest percentage in the country. For decades, there had been an assumption in the academic and activist fields that a legislative body with such a high percentage of minority presence would produce incredible policy gains for that group (i.e. African American Detroiters). Instead, the council passed no Black racial policy. In a city where there were ostensibly no barriers for passing racial policy -- there were no subsequent policy gains. Though running contrary to existing scholarship, Detroit is not an anomaly; it is an indicator of the larger trend. Using a mixed methods approach, I consider the impact of descriptive representation (i.e. presence of a minority group) on representation in policy (i.e. policy outcomes). The thesis that emerges from my examination is that the relationship between descriptive representation and representation in policy is not static, as has been suggested, but dynamic. The amount of representation in policy that a group achieves is a function of descriptive representation, but the relationship is not linear. More descriptive representation does not always predict more representation in policy. And indeed, cities with the most descriptive representation often have relatively low levels of representation in policy. This work challenges the current body of literature and calls for substantial revision of seminal theory.