Thesis ( Ph.D.) -- University of Texas at Arlington, 2008.

Thesis (MSocSci(Sociology))-University of Pretoria, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Education, University of the Witwatersrand in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Education / A major challenge in South Africa in the 1990s is that of assisting black people to take leadership positions in important sectors of community life, including the business sector. To address this need, companies are drawing up affirmative action programmes which have educational aims, such as leadership development, skills training and integration into Western corporate culture. As these companies draw up and implement their plans, it becomes important to consider the perceptions of both the planners and the 'beneficiaries' of these programmes. This study set out to question participants about the meaning and impact of affirmative action on themselves, on the organizations in which they are employed and on South African society generally. The research uses the frameworks of critical education theory and qualitat.ve research to enquire into the historical and present contexts of affirmative action In South Africa; international models of affirmative action; the social background of participants in affirmative action programmes; participants' perceptions of the programmes in which they are engaged; social outcomes of affirmative action; and participants' ideas for changes and improvements to programmes. The research method consisted of in-depth interviews with forty-six managers involved in affirmative.' action programmes in four large Johannesburg-based business organizations. Respondents were selected in an intentional sample, and were predominantly African men, although men and women of all races were interviewed. Policy documents, records and reports on affirmative action in the four participating organizations, and from further afield, were scrutinized. The research results are reported in the form of biographical profiles of individual participants, as well as case studies of the four corporate programmes. These were preceded by a treatment of theoretical positions in affirmative action, as well as historical and international perspectives. The research results show that in the short term affirmative action impacts on organizational values, practices and culture in ways which may be read by white managers as threats to customary standards of performance and productivity. In the longer term, however, affirmative action will be sustained by business survival factors and political considerations. The findings suggest that corporate affirmative action programmes generally fail to provide black managers with a sense of purpose or belonging in their organizations. They also fail to address problems of racism and resistance to change in the organization. The aims of affirmative action programmes are rarely made explicit. Planners and recipients hold different views of the benefits to be gained from them. The ideological component of affirmative action is often under-rated in programme design, and measures of accountability are neglected. For these reasons and others, affirmative action programmes may succeed in bringing black managers into business organizations, but fail to retain them, or offer them viable career paths, so that a stable, motivated and experienced black management corps may be built. So far, corporate affirmative action programmes have contributed to the growth of the black middle class, They do not - and perhaps cannot -address the national need for redistribution, reconstruction and development of opportunities and resources (including human resources). / AC2017

Paper-- University of California, Davis. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 46-50).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Rutgers University, 2008. / "Graduate Program in Philosophy." Includes bibliographical references (p. 769-771).

Thesis (D.P.A.)--University of Oklahoma, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 174-190).

Affirmative action for blacks has been implemented in recent years mainly as racial quota system at public universities in Brazil. The topic became nationally debated when the racial quota system of the University of Brasilia was adopted. Racial quotas were questioned in the Brazilian Supreme Court with the argument that they were unconstitutional. At the same time, the previous governments has been favorable of inclusive policies and extended the scope of affirmative action adoption. However, why the conservative reaction to racial quotas continued to socially and institutionally expand in spite of their implementation in many universities? The focus of this thesis was to frame these reactions in an institutional perspective by hypothesizing in this research that institutional racism could be addressed as non-recognition of black Brazilians as full subjects of rights considering their identity fragmentation due to the processes of racial formation that undermined racial solidarity, identification, and political participation through miscegenation. In order to investigate the identity framing of institutional racism, the racial quotas system at the University of Brasilia was chosen for policy process analysis. The Advocacy Coalition Framework was the choice of analysis because it permits to observe the policy process since the discussions that aimed to insert the problem of black exclusion in the higher education subsystem to the evaluation of policy implementation based on the approved documents to the broad implications considering the scope of actions from those who shared the beliefs by which coalitions are motivated to act. The results point to the maintenance of racial democracy in the coalition actors’ beliefs that affirm the non-existence of race, the impossibility of black identity, and advocate for the no-racist character of Brazilian identity due to its population racial mixing. Therefore, the hypothesis presented indications of being politically relevant since this research found indications that institutional racism can be framed as non-recognition of black identity by those responsible for its implementation, consciously or not led by individuals through the institutional gaps that do not present any mechanism of coercion or reward for managers to be interested in the full development of affirmative action. / text

Abstract Since the advent of the Employment Equity Act (EEA) in 1999, with the aim, to eliminate unfair discrimination and promote affirmative action in the workplace, implementation has been less than satisfactory. The Act (EEA), a public policy, demands of employers, both public and private, to meet partcular equity targets within their workplaces. The Act further requires that employers should report on progress achieved in meeting these targets. Such targets include, inter alia, the employment of designated persons, disabled persons, etc. Institutions of Higher Learning are no exception. The article aims at determining the extent of compliance with the Employment Equity Act (EEA) (1998) by two institutions of higher learning, namely the universities of Venda and of Pretoria. In essence, the main aim of the article are two-fold: firstly exploratory, to determine the extent to which the two universities comply with the employment equity legislation, and secondly how these universities have adopted and implemented measures to transform their internal environments, specifically the academic environments, as well as removing barriers to equity. The various positive steps and measures adopted and implemented by the two universities to eliminate unfair discrimination in the workplace and advance previously disadvantaged groups were investigated, and problems identified in the implementation process are identified. Particular attention was given to employment equity in South Africa and the role of the two universities in the implementation of employment equity.

The new Equality Bill in the UK attempts to bring domestic law regarding positive action into line with EU norms. The author addresses two key criticisms of the provisions, namely: a) that they allow positive discrimination; and b) that they will be ineffective in practice. It is argued that the first criticism is misconceived; preference of a minority candidate where they are equally as qualified as a male candidate simply recognises that equality is not about treating everybody the same, but having a relevant reason for treating them differently. The second criticism is more compelling. The author recommends that the UK make the transition to a systemic model and impose positive duties on employers in a similar vein to that which has developed in Canada. However, a delicate equilibrium must be achieved; special treatment of women and minorities regardless of merit is not conducive to a society that values diversity.

The new Equality Bill in the UK attempts to bring domestic law regarding positive action into line with EU norms. The author addresses two key criticisms of the provisions, namely: a) that they allow positive discrimination; and b) that they will be ineffective in practice. It is argued that the first criticism is misconceived; preference of a minority candidate where they are equally as qualified as a male candidate simply recognises that equality is not about treating everybody the same, but having a relevant reason for treating them differently. The second criticism is more compelling. The author recommends that the UK make the transition to a systemic model and impose positive duties on employers in a similar vein to that which has developed in Canada. However, a delicate equilibrium must be achieved; special treatment of women and minorities regardless of merit is not conducive to a society that values diversity.