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This study focuses on economic development and political turmoil in post-independence Sub-Saharan Africa. There has been a resurgence of interest in the region following the end of the Cold War. In 1997 U.S. president Bill Clinton took a 12-day tour of the region. In 1999 the U.S. Congress (106th Congress) passed the Growth and Opportunity Act and the Hope for Africa Act, designed to encourage political stability and economic development in the region. Although most Sub-Saharan African countries attained independence from colonial rule in the 1960s, more than 30 years of self-government have brought little economic development and political stability to the region. This study attempts to analyze, theoretically and empirically, the relationship among economic development, social dislocation and political turmoil. Social dislocation, as defined in this study, means "urbanization," and it is used as an exogenous variable to model and test the hypothesized causal relationship between economic development and political turmoil. This study employs pooled cross-sectional time-series and seemingly unrelated regression analyses, as well as Granger-causality, to examine the hypothesized relationships and causality in 24 Sub-Saharan African countries from 1971 to 1995. The results confirm the classical economic development theory's argument that an increase in economic development leads to a decrease in political turmoil. The result of the pooled analysis is confirmed by a SUR analysis on the strength of the relationship at the individual country level in 21 of the 24 countries. However, an indirect positive relationship exist between economic development and political turmoil through social dislocation. At lag periods 1 and 2, I found a causal ordering leading from economic development to political turmoil, indicating a causal relationship from economic development to social dislocation and from social dislocation to political turmoil.

Two recent developments dominate the political economy of Sub Saharan Africa -- the adoption of economic structural adjustment reforms and the emergence of pressures for the democratization of the political process. Economic reform measures have spawned civil society, made up of anti-authoritarian, anti-statist, non-governmental organizations, that demand political liberalization. This study is an attempt to analyze, theoretically and quantitatively, the unanticipated association between these developments. Democratic institutions inherited by Sub Saharan Africa at independence were subverted either through military coups or by the abuse and misuse of the institutions by an inordinately ambitious political elite. Thus, about a decade into independence more than three quarters of the sub continent virtually came under authoritarian rule. Contemporaneously there was a decline in the economies of these countries, forcing them to borrow from international financial institutions, in order to offset their balance of payment difficulties. By the mid-1980s most of Sub Saharan Africa had also instituted structural adjustment programs. Using a pooled cross-sectional time series model of analysis, data gathered from Sub Saharan African countries are analysed to test the explanatory power of the three extant contending theories of development: classical, dependency, and neoliberal. Then, most importantly, the analysis examines the relationship between structural adjustment, the development of civil society, and democratization. Overall, the results indicate that the institutional structures generated by, and the political millieu created by structural adjustment are conducive for the evolution of civil society and for its activities for democracy. This political opportunity, however, is also found to be dependent on the level of restructuring involved. The more the political system is restructured, the more the freedom of political participation by civil society, and the higher the level of democratization. The study found a very weak relationship between structural adjustment and economic growth, thereby calling into question many current economic policies. It further demonstrated that no one single theory had the advantages over others in explaining the dynamics of both political and economic development in Sub Saharan Africa and, by extension, in other developing countries.

The purpose of the study has been to assess the question of sustainability of economic growth and human development, particularly using sub-Saharan Africa in context. Sub-Saharan Africa is an interesting case study because, on the one hand, it has been mired in poverty and remains the least developed region in the world, and on the other, it has experienced a revival in economic growth since the mid-1990s. Economists tend to use the term economic development and economic growth interchangeably. However, questions have been raised about whether Africa’s latest growth episode is indeed ‘development’. Although there are many issues at stake, the key question, and the focus of this thesis, is whether sub-Saharan Africa’s revival is sustainable. The paper sets out the debate between the ‘World Bank view’ and the ‘alternative view’. The main debate lies around how genuine development should be achieved. Firstly, the ‘World Bank view’ claims that economic growth is necessary and sufficient condition to achieve development. Economic growth will be generated by ‘orthodox’ policies and this growth will automatically trickle-down and stimulate development. Secondly, the ‘alternative view’ argues that economic growth is necessary but it is not sufficient to stimulate sustainable development. Economic growth without ‘qualitative’ change is not ‘sustainable’. Indeed, human development shortfalls (as well as other, social, political and structural problems), if not addressed through appropriate policy interventions, can undermine economic growth. The ‘alternative view’ appears to be strongly supported by evidence from other developing regions such as Latin America and East Asia. The empirical study conducted in this thesis reinforces doubts about ‘sustainability’. Even though there are signs of convergence in some indicators; this is not the case for all indicators. More importantly the gap between sub-Saharan Africa and other developing regions remains very wide. Sub-Saharan Africa’s development path remains uncertain. The intention in this study is not to be conclusive that sub-Saharan Africa cannot achieve sustainable development. Rather the study attempts to identify potential hindrances to sub-Saharan Africa’s development and to provide a solid foundation for further research in the same direction.