M.A.

D.Litt. et Phil. / This study focuses on the political theory of Michael Oakeshott in whose work we find a comprehensive and coherent theoretical understanding of the modern state and government. The modern state, according to Oakeshott, possesses a dual character because it entails a synthesis between what he calls an enterprise association understanding of the state and a civil association understanding. Both of these co-exist in the modern appreciation of the state, with the one ameliorating the excesses of the other. Oakeshott believes this duality provides the best possible framework for a theoretical appraisal of the modern state. Based on this framework the unique character of an individual state, such as South Africa, can be assessed in terms of the position of its contingent understanding in relation to these two different views. In his consideration of this hybrid character of the state, Oakeshott notes that the rationalistically inclined enterprise association view currently seems to dominate within the field of politics. Such a dominance, if pushed too far, would undermine the coherence of the modern state, whose stability depends on the continued coexistence of both a civil and an enterprise understanding. In this study, the post-1994 ANC government in South Africa will be appraised in light of Oakeshott’s understanding of the modern state. The question as to the dominance, or not, of an enterprise association view of the state and government within the ANC will be assessed. Consideration will be given to the ANC’s understanding of its role and function as government and of its view of the broader association called the South African state. Here I will assess the role and influence of historical circumstances, and also, those key ideas that give intellectual organisation to ANC politics and inform both the responsibilities that the ANC feels it has to fulfil and the goals that it sets for itself and for the society at large. Finally, the implications of the identified enterprise character of the ANC government will be assessed in terms of its impact on the broader South African state and society.

M.A. (Political Studies) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Please read the abstract in the section 08summary of this document. Please note that page 1 of chapter 1 was missing in both available copies of this dissertation. / Dissertation (MA (Political Sciences))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

Ethnic identities in South Africa have had a particularly contrived history, set within the constraints and motivations of population classification by race. A more democratic political environment emerged with the dismantling of apartheid, bringing with it a multitude of issues including the design and character of the country’s political institutions and framework. This thesis will address two principal questions. The first and primary one investigates what lies behind the initiation and development of ethnic bonds. The second concerns the political implications and management of ethnic expressions in a democratic South Africa. An analysis of Zulu ethnic nationalism will be undertaken, because it constituted the most prominent case of assertive communal interests during democratic transitional negotiations. This thesis argues that circumstantial and instrumental factors (based on conditions, and the actions of individuals and organizations respectively), have been predominately responsible for the initiation and formation of ethnic bonds, especially amongst those who identify with a Zulu identity. The “conditions” describe the increasingly segregationist direction in which successive South African government authorities were moving, especially after the 1948 election victory of the National Party and the subsequent introduction of apartheid. Secondly, the “actions” denote the motivations of both Zulu actors and governments in generating and elaborating an ethnic discourse where their desired interests could be more effectively supported and assured. It will also be argued that because of the instrumental and selective use of ethnicity, as well as the narrow interests being served by its popular and community-centred expressions, a developing South African democratic culture should seek to protect ethnic diversity rather than promote ethnic interests. To do so would be to deny the perpetuation of ethnic cleavages and the violence and instability perpetrated in its name in recent years. The “protection” of cultural diversity is consistent with a constitution that seeks non-discrimination among all South African identities. Finally, it is believed that an emphasis on the individual as individual, as well as member of a cultural group, will break from subordinating the individual to an ascribed racial and ethnic identity as in the past, and assist in reconstituting the state as equally reflective of all South Africans.

The final step envisaged by present South African Government policy in respect of the black peoples of South Africa is the granting of political independence to the ten homelands which have been set aside for occupation by the various ethnic groups recognized by the. Government. This step represents the culmination of ideas that have developed regarding the separation of races since early in South Africa's history, and decisions that have been taken to implement them. Particularly since the first attempts to formulate black policy after Union in 1910, there have been protagonists of a segregationist policy, and the idea of some sort of self-government for the various races of South Africa has been evident 1n the country for many years. This idea was given greater stature in the policies of the national government after 1948, and in 1959 full political independence for the various black nations in South Africa became a political goal of the governing party. As this policy has progressed during the present decade, a number of new political areas have come into existence at various levels of the hierarchy of political areas. Intro. p. 1.

This study looks into the role of the institution of traditional leadership in post-apartheid South Africa. It seeks to critically engage the debate on how to locate the institution within the new politico-constitutional framework. This is done with the main objective of proposing an altemative to the current state of affairs vis-à-vis traditional leadership and governance in South Africa. In order to clear the ground, the study first deals with the important question of democracy in relation to the institution of traditional leadership. In this regard, the study unearthed that the institution of traditional leadership is fundamentally undemocratic in character, as it is largely based on heredity and devoid of principles of democracy such as equality, accountability, etc. In order to put matters into perspective the study also delves into the history of the institution of traditional leadership with the aim of getting to the role that traditional leaders played in various epochs of South Africa's political development. This investigation reveals that the denting of the integrity of the institution of traditional leadership began with the advent of colonialism and worsened by successive apartheid regimes. It is at these stages of development that the institution was subordinated to a higher authority that sought to use the institution as an instrument of domination and oppression of the black majority. Considering this role, it would seem that the place that the space that the institution occupies in the post-apartheid South African governance framework is a compromise. The institution plays an advisory role at all levels of government - with their houses in both national and provincial legislatures, whilst traditional leaders sit as ex-officio members on local councils. However, traditional leaders fiercely contest this position as, in their view, this limits their powers. The main argument of this study is that for traditional leaders to be given an advisory role in the current and future governance framework of the country is a step in the right direction, as that serves to insulate the institution from active politics. For that reason, the study recommends that the institution of traditional leadership should occupy a cultural space in society - meaning that it should be responsible for the preservation of African customs and culture. This, therefore, means that the institution is better-placed to advise government on cultural and customary aspects of development. Whilst playing this role, the institution of traditional leadership should also -be brought into line with democratic ways of governance.

This thesis provides a provincial perspective on the limits of policy challenge within the post-apartheid South African state. This perspective is located in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa, which is one of the poorest of the nine provinces into which the national territory was divided during the constitutional negotiations prior to the landmark democratic elections of 1994. The empirical foundation for this perspective is an analysis of the process of developing the Eastern Cape Provincial Growth and Development Plan 2004-2014 (PGDP), which took place in 2002-2004. Starting with a broader theoretical discussion, followed by a brief contextual analysis of the South African economy, the structure of the post-apartheid South African state, and key growth and development policies, the more detailed engagement with the PGDP process is undertaken. Drawing on Jessop’s (2008) strategic-relational approach, this thesis argues that the PGDP process arose within a particular spatio-temporal context where new opportunities for policy challenge were possible, but that such challenge had to be negotiated on a strategically selective terrain on which that challenge was neutralised. The PGDP process unfolded as a complex dialectic of agency and a range of path-dependent institutional processes with varying temporal and spatial horizons (cf. Pierson, 2004, 2005) in which no particular outcomes were guaranteed, but in terms of which some outcomes were more likely than others. Although the organisation of state power was expressed in the content of the PGDP, that power had to be understood as fractured across a range of state and non-state institutions, but with the state as the primary site of the contingent organisation of power. The provincial sphere of government faces particular constraints with the South African state, which has implications for its policy scope and the possibilities of policy challenge, even where wider social support is achieved.

This treatise revisits the process of the implementation of the Coega Project and discusses political economic issues which emerge therein locating them in the political economic context of post-1994 South Africa. Based on an in-depth study of the “Coega Story”, and three years of observing the Coega Development Corporation engaging in the political economic space to implement the project, key themes which are relevant in understanding the nature of politics in the country are highlighted and discussed with a view to drawing lessons for future implementers of economic development projects and policy makers. Key discussions in the study include a critical analysis of the symbiotic relationship between politics and development (or broadly the economy) – where emphasis is made about the centrality of politics in implementing economic development projects; the developmental state – where key characteristics of a developmental state are highlighted; the transition from apartheid to democracy and its implications on the nature of political relations post-apartheid; industrial development as a growth strategy and the interplay of social forces in the post- 1994 political economic space. The Coega Project is located within the broader context of the ruling party seeking to advance what is called the second and, perhaps the ultimate task of the liberation struggle, socio-economic liberation. Its strategic fit in that task is discussed critically taking into account paths to industrialisation as they have been observed from Newly Industrialising Countries and South Africa’s attempts at industrialisation before and after 1994.

Since the advent of democracy in April 1994, the issues of economic empowerment and growth have been high on the agenda of the Government of National Unity of South Africa. In order to achieve social-economic growth, resolve wealth and asset gaps between rich and poor, decrease unemployment and meet the Millennium Development Goals, government has sought efficient mechanisms of transformation. The formation of SMMEs was put forward as a solution to solve the above problems. SMMEs play a vital role in economic development and livelihoods uplifting. The purpose of this study is to examine how Chinese SMMEs have impacted on sustainable livelihoods in Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan District. The study has identified the challenges of local livelihoods in the district. The findings on the effects of Chinese SMMEs were that: (1) They have provided affordable goods and services to local people, improving livelihoods by means of reducing living costs of the local population and thus providing relief on their financial capital; (2) The vast extent of their services in the district has enlarged their network of offerings in urban, suburban and even rural settings; (3) They have enabled the poor’s access to the economic markets and services; (4) They have contributed positively to employment by providing local jobseekers with gainful employment and access to financial capital; (5) They have empowered the local employee base through training and skills transfer; (6) They have promoted knowledge and skills that have enriched local human capital and positively contributed to livelihoods; and (7) They have made a contribution to GDP and tax revenues. Revenues fed to government have helped fund welfare and public services, including in the areas of education, health care, pensions, unemployment benefits, public transportation, infrastructure and housing. These benefits have collectively contributed to the improvement of local livelihoods in the district.