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By using the Collier Heights neighborhood in the west side of Atlanta as a case study, this thesis will examine questions which arise at the intersection of architecture and racial equality. Research will focus on the years between 1952, when Collier Heights was annexed into the City of Atlanta, and 1968, the last year of major development in the area. According to one historian, Collier Heights is regarded as "the country's preeminent mid-century African American developed suburb." This statement can be attributed to numerous factors including its importance in the realm of African American cultural heritage, community planning, and social history. As well, its architecture is noteworthy for its exceptionally intact collection of mid-twentieth century houses, which were built from custom design and stock plans.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)

Using data from the 1990 Census of Population and Housing, the relationship between socioeconomic status and residential distribution was examined for the black population in four Virginia cities, Lynchburg, Roanoke, Norfolk, and Richmond. Three indexes were employed to measure degrees of segregation at the census tract level. These indexes were, dissimilarity, interaction, and isolation. The dissimilarity index is a measure of the evenness of residential distribution of minority members. The interaction index is a measure of the probability of minority residential contact with majority members. The isolation index is a measure of the probability of residential isolation of minority members. Census tracts were classified according to the extent of racial changes that took place in these tracts. Socioeconomic status of black residents was measured over two dimensions: education and income. The association between minority socioeconomic achievement and degrees of segregation was estimated with multiple regression. A majority of the regression results supported the human ecology theory that minority spatial assimilation is an outcome of socioeconomic achievements. Findings also suggested that the relationship between minority socioeconomic status and degrees of segregation did not vary in strength in the hierarchical pattern predicted by previous human ecology studies of segregation. The findings provide a minor departure from the traditional theory of human ecology. The regression models estimating the effects of socioeconomic variables on residential dissimilarity and residential isolation showed statistical significance. The regression models estimating the effects of socioeconomic variables on residential contact did not show statistical significance. This might suggest that present measures of residential segregation and socioeconomic status need to improved. / Master of Science

This study investigates black-white status inequality as an explication of central city residential segregation interregionally in 1960 and 1970. Using the popular index of dissimilarity (delta) to quantify educational, occupational and income inequality, it was found that the South was more unequal than the North, but much less so in 1970. Moreover, the level of Southern inequality was more the product of white advantage and the level of Northern inequality results more from significant black disadvantage than is commonly thought. While inequality in both the North and South varies greatly among cities, the sources of inequality were not stable over time nor across regions, as status dissimilarity was more a high status event in the North and in 1970. Since delta, as a nominal measure, is insensitive to such divergent sources of inequality, it was discounted for comparative research. Gini, an ordinal statistic, was also found inadequate in detecting these changes in what status inequality means. Therefore, a interval/ratio index, tridelta, was constructed for accurate interregional and cross time contrasts of status inequality. Furthermore, it was shown that delta measures racial differences as inequality, gini detects degrees of absolute deprivation and tridelta is a quantification of relative deprivation. Using status to explain residential segregation since 1940, showed that status is a weak, but increasingly important, determinant of the nation's cities' levels of segregation. Surprisingly, the North showed less status influence on segregation and closer congruence to 1940 and 1950 levels of segregation than did the South in 1960 and 1970, despite index employed. Occupational dissimilarity, not deprivation, was important in explaining segregation. In contrast, educational and to a lesser extent, income deprivation (relative in the South and absolute in the North) was important, although in the North, education's effect was unexplainedly inverse. Since the South was found to have a more egalitarian housing market, it was suggested that perhaps black status gains have been more visible in the South and that "the American dilemma" may be more salient there. Whatever, the South approaches parity with the North.

Thesis. 1975. M.C.P.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning. / Bibliography: leaves 89-90. / by David Meiners. / M.C.P.

Thesis. 1975. Ph.D. cn--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning. / Bibliography: leaves 481-505. / Ph.D.cn

Changes in the patterns of income and residential segregation were examined in the Portland Metropolitan Area. The 1970 and 1980 Census of Population and Housing were used in calculating the indexes of dissimilarity between black and white populations. The data indicated a significant decrease in the residential segregation of blacks in suburban areas between 1970 and 1980. The central city area still remained highly segregated with a segregation index of 69.5. Taeuber's index of dissimilarity was used in calculating the unevenness in the distribution of income between blacks and whites. Suburbia showed a significant decrease in income segregation compared to the central city area. Overall, both residential and income segregation were dropping at a much faster rate in the suburban areas than the central city areas. To examine the effects of socio-economic status on residential segregation, a sample of 138 blacks was drawn from the population of higher status blacks in the city of Portland. Residential choices of the influential blacks were examined to determine whether or not their influential status was accompanied by a tendency toward greater integration as opposed to greater segregation. The 1980 Census Tract Street Index was used in this analysis. The data show that despite the improvement in socio-economic status, a majority of these blacks still lived in the "ghetto" area (59%) and only 14% lived in suburbia. Therefore, the data show no significant relationship between the gains in the status and the tendency toward more integration. This tendency bears directly upon the issue of voluntary segregation. The data shows strong support for hypothesis two holding that change in income inequality results in change in residential segregation. That is, if we reduce the income differentials between black and white populations, racial residential segregation will be minimized.

This study evaluated the relative association of socioeconomic, minority group and housing characteristics of census tracts with the racial composition of residential areas within one southwestern city between 1950 and 1980. The unit of analysis was the census tract; the data were taken from the U.S. Census of Population and Housing 1950-1980 for the Fort Worth, Texas SMSAs. The Index of Dissimilarity compared racial segregation in the Fort Worth urbanized area for blacks with all others (1950-1980) and for Spanish and non-black minorities with all others (1960-1980). The data show little change in the extent of residential segregation over 30 years. The multiple regression showed that the degree of segregation in census tracts became increasingly predictable based on past minority concentration in the same neighborhood. Lagged social status and minority group variables significantly predicted the percent of the population that was black or Spanish in census tracts ten years later. Beta weights for percent black or percent Spanish were always the strongest in each tract regression and largely determined the level of segregation that existed in tracts ten years later. This paper asserts that social status characteristics must approach more equal levels between minority and majority groups before integrated neighborhoods can reasonably be expected. Yet many of these variables are still highly associated with black and Spanish areas. Rising income and improved housing in black census tracts give some basis for believing that in time these variables will narrow sufficiently to give more choice in residential housing. Although Spanish tracts are only about 65% as segregated as black census tracts and although the association of the variables with Spanish residential areas are never as strong as with black census tracts, still, with increased Spanish immigration in recent years and the downward trend found in social status factors within areas of Spanish concentration, Spanish residential areas may face increasing risks of greater segregation. It is recommended that emphasis on educational attainment and occupational training be continued, possibly augmented with civic programs designed to facilitate movement away from dynamic clustering.

In the history of California, there have been few ballot measures of a more controversial nature presented to the electorate than the initiative constitutional amendment known as Proposition 14 which appeared on the 1964 General Election ballot. Proposition 14 was a propsed amendment to the Constitution of the State of California which would prohibit the state, its agencies, and local government from placing limitations on a person's right to refuse to sell or rent his residential property to another person.1 The controversy stirred up by Proposition 14 caused it to gain national attention. Its opponents made claim that Proposition 14 went beyond repeal of "fair housing" legislation. This could have been achieved through an initiative referendum. Instead, by constitutional amendment, the measure instituted the right to discriminate in selling or renting residential property. This was an open attack upon the civil rights of the minorities in California. Its proponents counter claimed that it was a measure ot restore to California property owners their right to sell or rent to whomever they choose. This right had been taken away from them by the Rumford Act. The constitutional amendment method was used to prevent a future legislature from enacting another "fair housing" law. Thus, civil rights became pitted against property rights in the ensuing arguments over Proposition 14. With the United States in the throes of a movement by the Negro race to achieve greater interplay in American life, it was to be expected, then, that considerable nationwide attention would fall upon this particular initiative amendment to California's Constitution. The controversy it raised carried beyond California's borders. It was watched throughout the country to see what would happen to it. This attention made Proposition 14 unlike its companion measures on the ballot. Because it differed in this manner from the other propositions, this thesis has recorded Proposition 14 and its ramifications, particularly the campaign which enveloped it. While the controversy over this constitutional amendment has not yet been stilled, one particular limitation has been placed upon this thesis. It does not pursue Proposition 14 beyond Election Daty, November 3, 1964. Basically, this thesis has employed an historical approach to the presentationof Proposition 14. It has not, however, taken theusual chronological listing of events used by most historical studies. Rather, it has examined nine general areas concerning Proposition 14 without particular regard to making and account of events in orde ot time. Each of the nine areas, instead, has been presented more to give tenor or character to certain phases of the measure than to chronicle events.