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<p> Morocco, an emerging nation, is working to contribute to long-term commitments regarding environmental and social sustainability on both local and global levels. Given the urgency of the ecological and social crisis, which is clearly evident at national, regional, and international levels, sustainable development is a response by all actors to reconsider global economic growth in order to take account of the environmental, cultural and social issues in the same balanced development approach. Several initiatives have been introduced in recent years in all areas related to sustainable development, starting with the national human development initiative, the Green Morocco plan, the 2020 Vision for Tourism, among many others (Bilali.2016). Morocco recently received international recognition as the hosts and organizers for the COP22 conference in November 2016. This is the second COP conference they&rsquo;ve spearheaded, the first being COP7, which took place in 2001. (Zaierg.2016). Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is a concept that is intended to empower companies in their engagement with social and ecological responsibilities of the communities in which they operate and have impact. CSR is implemented within companies through different levers including: human resource management, public affairs, and supply chain management. The processes these business levers carry out are meant to support corporate development to embody more humane and responsible actions, as well as to improve the image of the company in the eyes of its employees and the world at large. CSR is one of the central social pillars defined to achieve sustainable development (World Finance.n.d.2014). As Morocco&rsquo;s economy develops, companies are faced with the obligation to follow this international approach on sustainability and to construct strategies with long-lasting advantages to support the efficiency and performance of their companies. Despite the recent launch of a wide array of sustainably focused commitments, the country is still poorly ranked according to OECD, ILO, UNDP, and WEF (Hespress.2016). It is within these reports that the gap between Morocco&rsquo;s highly publicized image and the reality is made painfully clear. What was intended to help progress the countries&rsquo; sustainable development may not be feasible in its current state, definitely, drastic changes are needed. (Wilkes.2016)</p><p>

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This dissertation addresses the question of the sustainability of the current dynamics of bushmeat hunting by local communities in there Serengeti ecosystem as well as attempt to understand the preferences and demand for animal protein in these households, and finally to test the potential for reducing demand for bushmeat through an intervention measure aimed at improving access to alternative protein sources. In this dissertation, I use a multi-faceted approach to explore the current drivers of bushmeat hunting in the Greater Serengeti Ecosystem, and attempt to quantify the real threat to wildlife populations. Utilizing dietary recall consumption surveys, household socio-economic questionnaires, I integrate almost ideal demand systems analysis and evaluate the impact of protein alternatives in reducing consumption of bushmeat.

This study examines the rationales underlying state creation in Nigeria. Specifically, the study addresses significant political, economic, and socio-cultural issues considered to be the rationales behind the creation of states in Nigeria. Dependency theory was applied to determine whether state creation is: (a) a viable public policy tool to promote much needed good governance in a country whose ethnic groupings number 374; (b) tied to rapid economic development of a nation whose population falls mostly below the poverty line; and (c) reduces ethnic strife and eliminates religious tensions in a country rife with such conflicts. The study found that the continued colonial-type government policies that has created thirty-six states out of the original three, failed to allay minority fears of domination by the larger ethnic groupings; has failed to deliver rapid economic development as envisioned or bring the people closer to the government; and has failed to stem incessant demands for state creation from minority enclaves seeking relief from majority domination. A major recommendation of the study is replacing calls for more stales with calls for quality leadership that is free from corruption but based on grassroot empowerment.

From reflexive, theoretical, historical and fieldwork perspectives, this multidisciplinary work (using triangulated methodological approaches) challenges and interrogates current viewpoints on health promotion, in the context of HIV/AIDS, in Malawi. The thesis is presented in a number of steps, culminating in the explication of the dynamics of cultural socialisation among primary, secondary and tertiary school students, relevant to HIV/AIDS. First, a culturally based pre-colonial traditional framework of health promotion, medical service delivery and order maintenance is ‘reconstructed‘, using a number of markers, which are later used to show the colonial and postcolonial persistence and continuity of this framework. Second, it is argued that this culturally based medical framework survived and minimised conflict (and epistemological and pragmatic dialogue) with colonial power and medicine by largely retreating into localities. This created localised indigenous communal medicocultural and welfare traditions, which continued to offer services to most Ahcans. Third, it is suggested that the framework’ s postcolonial persistence reflects the limited colonial and postcolonial socio-economic change in Malawi, with elites now, as whites then, controlling limited western medical resources at the expense of the anthu wamba (peasantry). Fourth, a critical history of HIV/AIDS in Malawi shows how, having entered Malawi in this context, the HIV/AIDS epidemic was bound to be viewed through these vibrant localised traditional frameworks of beliefs. The localised beliefs affected the perceptions and responses to, as well as the extent of, the epidemic; some Malawians saw HIV/AIDS as mdulo or kanyela (wasting diseases caused by transgressing sexual taboos). Fifth, political, religious and economic factors also affected the explanations and interpretations of and strategies for dealing with HIV/AIDS, contributing to a donor-dependent National Aids Strategic Framework (2000 - 2004) predicated on assumptions of socio-economic, educational and developmental progress. Six, the fieldwork confirmed the vibrancy of and influential dynamic of indigenous culture towards health beliefs and practices among the general public, and school students in particular, despite a high level of awareness among school students (and the public) about the scientific aspects of HIV/AIDS. Seven, these high awareness levels, even in school contexts coexist with discourses, such as ufiti (witchcraft), which are influenced by localised cultural traditions. Eight, it is argued that, given the socio-economic constraints, these discourses may influence or dilute western HIV/AIDS awareness messages and influence the actual socialisation and social and sexual behaviour of students.

<p> This dissertation provides an explanation for the workings of clientelism and some preliminary insights on the conditions under which it can recede. </p><p> First, I provide evidence from Nigeria on the &ldquo;loyal-voter anomaly&rdquo; (Stokes et al. 2013, 66): I show that political parties tend to target clientelistic transfers to partisans, whose votes should already be secure, rather than to swing voters, whose votes are up for grabs. Second, I develop a theory of <i>strategic safe-betting</i> to explain the disproportionate targeting of partisans. This theory puts the emphasis on risk mitigation, an aspect of clientelistic relations that existing explanations tend to overlook. I argue that clientelistic transfers are risky and expensive endeavors, and that loyal voters represent a safer bet for political parties: their voting behavior is indeed easier to influence, predict or, in a best-case scenario, monitor. This is due to their close ties to the operatives of the party machine, as well as their deeper embeddedness in <i>networks of control</i> through which parties exert influence and gather information on voters before and during elections. Third, I provide preliminary insights on the demise of clientelism. I show that macro developments&mdash;in particular urbanization and economic development&mdash;that increase the weight of swing voters make clientelistic transfers riskier and provide incentives for parties to develop programmatic promises during elections. </p><p> The dissertation builds on original quantitative and qualitative empirical evidence from the most populous sub-Saharan African country, Nigeria. It draws on observational and experimental survey data to provide a quantitative analysis of the determinants and workings of clientelism at the individual level. It also builds on selected archival documents and in-depth key informant interviews to develop a qualitative narrative of the historical roots of clientelistic partisan pacts in Nigeria and the mechanisms that sustain and break them in contemporary politics.</p><p>