Drawing on previous literature in cultural gerontology, ageism and age relations, and cultural appropriation this study analyzes the recent grannyhair trend on instagram. Recently, younger women have been coloring their hair combinations of white, silver, and gray and posting images of their style on instagram with the #grannyhair designation. In this study we use an intersectional approach to age and gender relations to explore this phenomenon. Previous studies show that women's behaviors and presentations of aging are policed by cultural standards of age-appropriate appearance and performance, particularly in regards to their hair. Qualitative content analysis of #grannyhair images are examined to assess the extent of age-based stereotypes and policing of age-appropriate behavior and appearance. This study found that instagram users engaged in this trend did not challenge age relations. Rather, boundaries of age-appropriate behaviors enacted in the #grannyhair trend are largely set by younger users. The ways in which young users utilize ageist stereotypes as a way to emphasize the contrast between their stylistic choices and their status as young attractive women framed the #grannyhair trend as one of appropriation. That is, young women adopted gray, white, and silver hair as a cultural symbol and changed its original meaning as a marker of old age. Conversations among both young and old instagram users echoing previous literature that details the contentious relationships old women have with their aging bodies, and hair specifically. / Master of Science / Recently, young women have been coloring their hair combinations of white, silver, and gray and posting images of their style on instagram with the #grannyhair designation. As this trend gained popularity, there has been some speculation as to what this trend could mean for old women and their attitudes towards and experiences of their own hair turning white or gray. While some news sites have speculated that this trend represents a celebration of old women’s appearances, this study finds that while both young and old women participate in this trend, they discuss it in different ways that do not challenge ageist attitudes or negative stereotypes of old women. For young women, this style is not about celebrating or valuing old age, and they engage in this trend through making jokes that make clear that they are not old, and that old is still a devalued category. Old women either clearly stated that the trend was odd because looking old is clearly bad (as it comes with a decrease in status) or talked about giving in to the inevitability of gray hair. As such, old women are now faced with either adhering to the new standards of white or gray hair, or face further social exclusion and invisibility.

Historically, age has been and still is a major organizing principle for social relations and the allotment of resources and power, yet age is very seldom acknowledged as a social categorization in its own right and in intersection with other identity categorizations. While feminist scholarship and activism have deconstructed racist and sexist discourses, in which biology is often used to legitimize social injustice, the presupposed naturalness of ageism is rarely challenged. The aim of the present paper is to explore if and why age relations and ageism are invisible in feminist work by interviewing eleven feminists in a Swedish context. The interviews, which are qualitative and semi-structured, have been thematically analysed to identify patterns in the respondents’ approaches to age as a social categorization in intersectional analysis. A recurring theme is explaining age and ageism in terms of a fluidity of age relations, which make it a complex categorization to include in intersectional analysis. Drawing on theories of ageing and intersectional feminism I explore how the research material can be understood from a social and historical perspective. The thesis builds on a post-constructionist epistemology which underlines the importance of situated knowledges and accountability, and I therefore chose to make myself as the author visible throughout the text by writing the I and including personal accounts related to ageism and ageing.