This study analyses certain aspects of the relationship between culture and technology by using the example of the 35mm still photographic camera. Methodologically, the study integrates two perspectives in communication theory, namely diffusion of innovation and cultural studies. The study consists of five segments. First, the need for technological innovation is defined in terms of developing social formations. Secondly, the history of photographic research and development is traced in terms of various models of industrial development, and in terms of the horizontal and vertical integration of manufacturing. The commercialization of the camera is treated in relation to the history of markets, and their disturbances by war and other political developments. Next, the study provides an analysis of specialty magazine advertising as it relates to the 35mm camera. Finally, the adoption and utilization of this new technology are discussed in terms of the competing interests of various social formations in modern society.

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Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua have all experienced significant social, economic, and political changes during the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s. Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua experienced violent national revolts, while Costa Rica and Honduras did not. I tested a process theory that endeavored to account for the origins and intensity of national revolts in Central America. The analysis was formulated in a most-similar-systems (MSS) design. Pooled cross-sectional time-series regression techniques were employed in order to conform with the MSS variation-finding strategy. The findings supported the conclusion that armed attacks against the state were not random occurrences, but rather, that they may have arisen in response to certain economic and political conditions.

This dissertation examines the development of the multi-site church phenomenon in North America from 1950 to 2010. Chapter 1 introduces the multi-site church concept, briefly detailing the development of the multi-site movement and the need for investigation of the subject. Chapters 2 through 4 explore the historical development of the multi-site church movement, highlighting individuals, ministries, trends, and forces contributing to the current multi-site church phenomenon. Chapter 5 examines the various forms of current multi-site churches presenting a concise and comprehensive taxonomy of multi-site churches in North America. Chapter 6 analyzes key New Testament biblical and theological issues concerning the multi-site church structure, providing a general set of parameters for healthy multi-site application and expression. Chapter 7 summarizes the content and arguments of the dissertation, assessing the strengths, weaknesses, and success of the dissertation, and presenting topics for future multi-site inquiry and investigation. This dissertation contends that the multi-site church concept is a robust and biblically acceptable church model, and one that is beneficial to the church in North America.

The Indian New Deal of the 1930s changed official policy from assimilationist attitudes to acculturation on the reservation and an emphasis on tribal culture. John Collier's program included self-determination in tribal matters and advancements in health, education, and the economy. Despite improvements in these areas, many critics charged that Collier's administration increased bureaucracy and hampered Indian attempts at decision making. The American Indian Federation, one of Collier's most relentless critics and a group with extreme right-wing, Fascist connections, succeeded in publicizing the Indian Bureau's deficiencies but failed to gain many followers among Indians. Native Americans appeared oblivious, puzzled, or overtly hostile to this group which undermined its own efforts with its blatant racism, anti-Semitism, and un-American attitudes which struck at the very heart of American Indian patriotism. This deep-seated patriotism, manifested in World War II by a ninety-nine percent registration for the draft, accompanied a resurgence of tribal sovereignty as Indians demanded the right to refuse to enlist. Based on government violation of treaty rights, this refusal emerged as a philosophical argument, because Native Americans enlisted in numbers comparable to their white peers. Politicians critical of the Indian New Deal exploited the Indian war effort to push their own agenda of reversing the Indian Reorganization Act. The enormous wartime sacrifices and contributions offered by civilian Indians further convinced the public and politicians that Native Americans no longer needed supervision. In postwar America Indians who had willingly given labor, resources, and finances found that their role in America's war would be all too easily forgotten. The Indian veteran and his civilian counterparts soon realized that their fight for freedom did not end in Europe or in the Pacific. When they returned to their homes and encountered injustices which had always existed, Native Americans refused to passively accept these situations. In the 1940s American Indians asserted their rights and began the fight for equality which would continue for the next three decades.

More than a confined account of the musical activity of the Chicano Movement, my research considers Chicana/o music of the period as a critical part of the protest music genres of Latin America (eg. Nueva canción, canto nuevo) and the Unites States (eg. labor/union and civil rights songs). Consequently, although situated squarely within the context of the Chicano Movement, this project necessarily examines the musical yet political links between Chicano musicians and their counterparts in the American labor movement, Civil Rights Movement, and Latin American social movements of the period. Coupled with the mobilization of their own Mexican musical and cultural traditions, Chicano musicians engaged these other repertoires of struggle to form the nexus of Chicana/o musical expression during the Movement. By viewing Chicana/o music within this broader lens, my research demonstrates that the complexities of the movimiento and Chicana/o political struggle cannot be adequately understood without thinking about how Chicano cultural producers engage a diversity of other race, ethnic, and regional struggles. Rather than assume a homologous relationship between music and identity, my research historicizes musical practices in the context of their struggle for political, social, and cultural rights and resources and the strategies employed by diverse communities working together to overcome the failures of governmental and institutional programs. The creative dialogues and musical exchanges that occurred among Chicano musicians suggest not only forms of ethnic solidarity but also the culturally “hybrid” expressions that shape even nationalist movements. Key to this approach is recognizing the simultaneously global and local character of Chicana/o musical production, where the flows of transnationalism circulated not only ideas, peoples, and sounds, but also political struggles. This project thus raises a number of critical questions about Chicano Movement music and its political import. Ultimately, I suggest that it was the ability to perform authoritatively within the bi-cultural and increasingly transnational space of the Chicano experience that empowered movimiento music to express the feelings of autonomy engendered by the Movement. / text

Orientador: Leandro Karnal / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T11:25:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Turatti_RicardoAmarante_M.pdf: 1344043 bytes, checksum: 5993031e08f090e5471817aba05c9db0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: A pesquisa pretende estudar parte do processo de constituição identitária da América, principalmente no que se refere à identificação do continente com uma obra produzida em um contexto europeu. A obra em questão é a peça A Tempestade, de William Shakespeare. Enquanto a peça foi escrita na Inglaterra do século XVII, suas ressignificações ligadas à América datam do final do século XIX e início do XX, e demonstram uma constante renovação das metáforas contidas na obra original. Tendo como eixo principal a leitura realizada sobre as personagens Ariel e Calibã, as interpretações da peça representam a adoção de modelos para o continente americano, obedecendo a uma dinâmica de intercâmbio América - Europa. Os modelos acabam servindo para a formação de utopias, projetos políticos e para a construção de uma identidade americana, assim como apresentam indícios para o estabelecimento de outra construção: a de termos generalizantes como América Latina, Iberoamerica e Anglo-América. Busca-se, portanto, por meio da leitura da peça e de suas interpretações, realizar uma análise histórica sobre a formação de um discurso identitário e cultural para os países americanos / Abstract: The research intends to study part of the process of identity constitution in America, with the primary focus in the identification of the continent with work produced in a european context. The work in question is the play The Tempest, by William Shakespeare. The play was written in XVIIth century England, but its re-significations linked to America date from late XIXth and early XXth, demonstrating a constante renovation of the metaphors contained in the original work. The interpretations of the play center on the caracthers Ariel and Caliban, representing the adotion of models for the american continent, following a exchange dynamic between America and Europe. The models are used for the formation of utopias, political projects and for the constrution of an american identity, presenting indications for the establishment of another constrution: the formation of generalizing terms as Latin America, Ibero America and Anglo America. The intention is, therefore, by reading the play and its interpretations, realize a historical analysis about the formation of an identity and cultural discourse for the american countries / Mestrado / Historia Cultural / Mestre em História

U.S. policymakers consistently argue that U.S. security depends on hemispheric democracy. As an instrument of U.S. policy, did foreign assistance promote democracy in Central America, 1946 through 1994? Finding that U.S. foreign assistance directly promoted neither GDP nor democracy in Central America, 1946 through 1994, I conclude that U.S. policy failed consistently in this specific regard.