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The promise of solar architecture seduces the American imagination at regular intervals. Enthusiasm for solar just as regularly fades, leaving the next seemingly inevitable generation to grope in the darkness, knowing someone must have thought of, and perhaps even solved, these issues before, but having little actual evidence to go on. My dissertation is an attempt to recover some of that history by looking at one specific moment--the years immediately preceding and following World War II--to examine the experimentation and excitement surrounding the solar home in America and consider the reasons for its demise. While energy efficiency and renewable energies are the current trend, memory about the development of solar technologies tends to extend only to the oil crisis-induced projects of the 1970s. Earlier experiments have faded almost completely from the history. When they are included, it is part of an interrupted narrative where, in the 1940s and early 50s, numerous and varied sources claimed solar architecture was the inevitable wave of the future, but as fuel prices fell in the mid-1950s, the American public rejected solar housing until the 1970s. Restoring this history not only helps to complicate our understanding of mid-century building, but also illuminates the process by which a solid idea with seemingly great momentum can fade and be forgotten, perhaps offering a cautionary corollary to the present surge in interest about solar design. The most common claim about the history of solar architecture is that cost killed the beast--solar was and is always just too expensive. The limitations of this argument stem from the very simplicity that makes it attractive. The question is never whether something costs too much; it is whether that thing is worth its cost. Even though Americans continually return to it, the rhetoric surrounding solar never becomes persuasive enough to convince the American public solar is "worth it." This kind of realization does not jettison economic arguments, but seeks to make them more nuanced and culturally situated. The single-minded cost argument does not fully take up the issue that consumption does not happen in a monetary vacuum. History tells us Americans decided solar architecture was not worth the cost, but the continual reemergence of solar technologies belies this easy conclusion. Ultimately, a number of factors contributed to the failure of solar homes in this era, including 1) ineffective marketing, 2) the association of solar homes with Modernist design which was notoriously unpopular in domestic applications, 3) the changes in residential building patterns during the era to those that favored generic design over the intensely site-specific solar homes, 4) the difficultly some scientists and engineers had in navigating the gulf between academic communities and the public realm, and 5) the rise of a seemingly promising photovoltaic cell which moved public attention away from options that were at the time more technologically feasible and economically viable and cast solar homes as a futuristic technology for which there was no need to rush to buy as it would be better later. My dissertation expands the understanding of Americans' relationship to solar technologies in this period and beyond. Restoring this history helps complicate our understanding of mid-century building and sustainability. It also illuminates the process by which technologies with great momentum can fade and be forgotten, offering an instructive corollary to the present interest in solar design, and a model that can be adapted to the consideration of any number of failed technologies.

No description available.

Proceeding from the curious case of the meteoric rise and subsequent legal suppression of EROS Magazine, an expensive, hardcover, color-illustrated quarterly magazine printed and mass marketed throughout the United States in 1962, this dissertation examines the significant impact Sigmund Freud's repressive theory of civilization had upon successive generations of U.S. public intellectuals and thus upon the 1960's Counter Culture they helped to create. Part One traces the intellectual history of the Freudian left from 1908 through the early 1960's, examining closely writings by Freud, Emma Goldman, Margaret Mead, Ruth Benedict, Erich Fromm, John Kenneth Galbraith, Herbert Marcuse, and Norman O. Brown. Part Two performs a close reading of the extant four issues of EROS, during which I argue that both the magazine's widespread popularity and its harsh legal suppression were both due to its polemical advocacy on behalf of a psychoanalytically-informed rebellion against an overly repressive mainstream culture.

Regional identity and contested space were explored through the lens of four central Oregon Coast lighthouses. These beacons offered a look into the settlement of the Pacific Northwest and the complexity of contested space. Not only did the sentinels sit at the edge of a human battle with nature, but the keepers and their families lived in problematic conditions as well (both domestic and environmental). The living quarters and outbuildings provided by the U.S. lighthouse Board illustrated the cultural tastes of the period and the distillation of those tastes throughout the country as the nation expanded into and throughout the west. Further, these buildings were constructed within the pseudo military structure of light-tending and governed via principles predetermined by the u.s. Lighthouse Establishment. The daily lives of the lighthouse families conveyed the challenges of new settlement in, and the impact of lighthouses on, the West coast.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 39-06, Section: A, page: 3579. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1978.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 36-08, Section: A, page: 5308. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1975.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 39-11, Section: A, page: 6762. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1978.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 39-11, Section: A, page: 6763. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1978.

The novel takes place in the South, among lower-middle-class working people, who--with one or two exceptions--did not finish high school and have never read a book. They are the kind of people referred to as "trailer-trash," people two or three generations removed from their genuine rural roots, who grew up in towns, away from the strong family ties and traditional small-town religion that their grand- or great-grandparents left behind, who have no urban traditions to guide their lives in towns, and whose values have consequently been formed around the only culture that speaks to them--American popular culture; movies, television, and pop music. Accordingly, their conscious thought and feeling tend to be stunted; in the novel, a layered narration tries to suggest the richer subconscious levels that coexist, in the characters, along with the less-developed conscious level. / The first narrative line takes place in a "real-time" span of the last four days of the ten-year marriage between two characters, Griffin and Sarah. Although these two are close emotionally, they are incompatible sexually and socially, and it is clear from the beginning of the novel that their marriage must end, not only because of their personal disjuncture, but because Sarah has become involved in an affair with a character named Mark, a more exciting relationship for her than her marriage, and a relationship she feels unable to give up. / The second narrative line is made up of a series of flashbacks, which take up about half the novel, begin in the childhoods of the three main characters, and attempt to show how Sarah became the ideal object of Griffin's youthful fantasy, how marriage to Griffin became a necessary escape for Sarah when she needed one, and how Mark's background shaped him to fit his place in the triangle. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 49-03, Section: A, page: 0507. / Major Professor: Jerome H. Stern. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1987. / The novel takes place in the South, among lower-middle-class working people, who--with one or two exceptions--did not finish high school and have never read a book. They are the kind of people referred to as "trailer-trash," people two or three generations removed from their genuine rural roots, who grew up in towns, away from the strong family ties and traditional small-town religion that their grand- or great-grandparents left behind, who have no urban traditions to guide their lives in towns, and whose values have consequently been formed around the only culture that speaks to them--American popular culture; movies, television, and pop music. Accordingly, their conscious thought and feeling tend to be stunted; in the novel, a layered narration tries to suggest the richer subconscious levels that coexist, in the characters, along with the less-developed conscious level. / The first narrative line takes place in a "real-time" span of the last four days of the ten-year marriage between two characters, Griffin and Sarah. Although these two are close emotionally, they are incompatible sexually and socially, and it is clear from the beginning of the novel that their marriage must end, not only because of their personal disjuncture, but because Sarah has become involved in an affair with a character named Mark, a more exciting relationship for her than her marriage, and a relationship she feels unable to give up. / The second narrative line is made up of a series of flashbacks, which take up about half the novel, begin in the childhoods of the three main characters, and attempt to show how Sarah became the ideal object of Griffin's youthful fantasy, how marriage to Griffin became a necessary escape for Sarah when she needed one, and how Mark's background shaped him to fit his place in the triangle.