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<p> The subject of an American national identity has been a source of debate for centuries. Some argue it had naturally evolved by the time of the American Revolution while others argue there was no cohesive &ldquo;American&rdquo; people at the time of the war. By looking at the ways in which the American colonists interpreted the presence of the Hessian soldiers contracted by the British government during the struggle, this conversation can be continued in a new and unique way. The Hessians themselves have often been ignored by the historical record, though studying these men reveals that at the time of the American Revolution, the colonists remained divided and were rather a collection of different peoples. </p><p> I approach this study by looking primarily at the wartime press of New York and Pennsylvania, put in context with the events of the Revolution, along with some of the early American historians (Mercy Otis Warren, David Ramsay, John Marshall, and Washington Irving) writing in the decades following the Treaty of Paris. Differences and similarities in the ways they discussed the Hessian involvement during the American Revolution reveal a lack of cohesive identity during and in the decades following the war.</p>

<p> The written history of the United States Civil War provides limited analysis on the topic of desertion and execution for desertion in the Army of the Potomac. The specific numbers involved are well documented. With the exception of occasional narratives on the executions themselves, there is no examination of the human decisions taken; beginning with the soldier&rsquo;s choice to desert. In addition, while the military court-martial trial was rigid in its structure and process, it allowed for discretion in the sentencing phase. Human choice exerted its greatest influence in the aftermath of the trial as the sentence was reviewed up through the military chain of command. Ultimately, the case would arrive at the desk of President Abraham Lincoln; the final arbitrator of life or death. Fortunately for the convicted, they had a compassionate Commander in Chief and President Lincoln personally intervened in hundreds of their cases. </p><p> There were over 200,000 incidents of desertion from the Union Armies during the Civil War. Desertion and other crimes resulted in 75,961 court-martial trials and 1,883 soldiers were sentenced to be executed. A total of 265 men were executed and 147 of those were for desertion. This paper provides a micro history of eight soldiers from Massachusetts regiments executed for desertion. They are contrasted against seven soldiers from Massachusetts regiments pardoned for the same capital crime of desertion. Extrapolating the data elements of the accused, along with their trial testimonies, allows for the identification of three major factors that influenced whether a soldier who deserted was executed or pardoned. </p><p> A second contribution to the historical record on the Civil War is the identification of the personal data elements found in these men&rsquo;s lives. By consolidating these elements, such as place of birth, a profile of the typical deserter emerges. This deserter profile can be contrasted against a historically codified profile of a typical Union soldier. Ultimately, while these deserters were denigrated for their crime of desertion, they deserve to have their stories heard. In doing so, it is possible to identify who these men really were and what their role was in the United States Civil War.</p>

<p> This thesis presents a chronological narrative of the small, but marginally influential West Georgia College counterculture movement&mdash;which included no more than a hundred or so students and at least a few dozen faculty members&mdash;during a period of great social unrest. Framed by the ongoing moral debate about America&rsquo;s controversial involvement in the Vietnam War, as well as radical social changes occurring in the larger culture, this study contributes to the historiography of the U.S. counterculture in at least two distinct ways. First, it is one of the few in-depth studies to ever be conducted on the counterculture at a small liberal arts college in the Deep South. Most of the books and articles written thus far focus upon the counterculture movement at some of the nation&rsquo;s largest universities. Even in the South, only a few select university histories have ever dealt with the movement in any detail. Second, this thesis sheds greater light on the reasons for that marginalization of the Southern student counterculture&mdash;and more specifically at West Georgia College&mdash;by focusing on the pushback from the much larger, more conservative culture. Manifested in the form of some college administrators, a number of older faculty members, the majority of the student body, civic and business leaders in the nearby town of Carrollton, and even the larger Carrollton community, that resistance could be extreme at times. This study will also show how that resistance was rooted in deeply held Southern beliefs about patriotism and the sanctity of national military service, the Protestant work ethic, respect for authority and tradition, and religious conservatism. </p>

<p> Commerce Clause New Federalism in the Rehnquist and Roberts Courts describes how interpretation of the Commerce Clause of the Constitution has evolved since the Constitution was first ratified by the several states. It shows how the clause, which was originally included to facilitate trade between the states by removing barriers to trade, evolved into Congress&rsquo; primary justification for all kinds of actions that had previously been the domains of the states. The work includes case studies of four controversial cases that occurred when the Chief Justice was William Rehnquist along with a case study of <i>National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius</i> decided in the court of Chief Justice John Roberts. The work also makes the case that commerce-clause-based legislation was a critical contributor to the current culture wars occurring in America because each piece of legislation becomes a winner take all proposition with national ramifications. </p><p>

The objective of this study is to revisit the American presidential election of 1972 via the interpretive lens of Richard Nixon�s loyal inner circle. It argues that the Watergate scandal that forced Nixon to resign the presidency two years later has minimized the meaning of that watershed event. The massive landslide victory by the Nixon administration at the polls has been lost in the details of the break-in at the Watergate complex. The result is that the connection between Nixon, his loyal White House aides, and the millions of faithful supporters is minimized and even forgotten in the scholarship on the 37^th president. Nixon is too often seen as an isolated and disconnected leader, and consequently, the second greatest margin of victory in American presidential history has been largely neglected as a significant event in the literature. Supported and informed by archival documents, staff memoirs, newspaper accounts, and secondary sources, this study revisits the election through the eyes and actions of the president's men, concluding that his team developed a specific strategy to attract traditional Democratic voters, independents and disaffected voters, forging a post-1960s consensus. This outcome was aided by a strategy to portray Democratic opponent George McGovern as an extremist unpalatable to the American heartland. Nixon�s image as a lonely and isolated figure inside the Oval Office has been misunderstood as it was also part of a specific strategy hatched by his inner circle after the midterm elections of 1970 to have the politician act "presidential" and remain in the White House, above the nasty fight for votes on the campaign trail. Nixon and his loyal aides used these strategies to reach the 'silent majority' of Americans, and thereby secured an overwhelming victory.

The objective of this study is to revisit the American presidential election of 1972 via the interpretive lens of Richard Nixon�s loyal inner circle. It argues that the Watergate scandal that forced Nixon to resign the presidency two years later has minimized the meaning of that watershed event. The massive landslide victory by the Nixon administration at the polls has been lost in the details of the break-in at the Watergate complex. The result is that the connection between Nixon, his loyal White House aides, and the millions of faithful supporters is minimized and even forgotten in the scholarship on the 37^th president. Nixon is too often seen as an isolated and disconnected leader, and consequently, the second greatest margin of victory in American presidential history has been largely neglected as a significant event in the literature. Supported and informed by archival documents, staff memoirs, newspaper accounts, and secondary sources, this study revisits the election through the eyes and actions of the president's men, concluding that his team developed a specific strategy to attract traditional Democratic voters, independents and disaffected voters, forging a post-1960s consensus. This outcome was aided by a strategy to portray Democratic opponent George McGovern as an extremist unpalatable to the American heartland. Nixon�s image as a lonely and isolated figure inside the Oval Office has been misunderstood as it was also part of a specific strategy hatched by his inner circle after the midterm elections of 1970 to have the politician act "presidential" and remain in the White House, above the nasty fight for votes on the campaign trail. Nixon and his loyal aides used these strategies to reach the 'silent majority' of Americans, and thereby secured an overwhelming victory.

<p> This work focuses on Detroit from 1805 to 1812, with a focus on the changes brought about by the advent of the Michigan Territory and the reaction to those changes by the predominantly French-speaking citizens of the town. This work relies on previously underutilized petitions and memorials drafted and circulated by the francophone citizens of Detroit to argue that these citizens had a real and profound interest in the political and legal future of their town, contrary to what past historians have written. The thesis is organized into three chapters. The first gives a brief history of Detroit from its founding in 1701 until the start of the Territory of Michigan in 1805. The second examines the conflicting desires of the local population and the new administration in rebuilding the towns following its destruction by fire in June 1805, in particular the issues involving land title, locations of new lots, and the enclosure of Detroit's commons. The third chapter examines controversies surrounding the "Americanization" of the legal system in Detroit and the desire of the French-speaking population to have a system more in keeping with their traditional practices.</p>

<p> In discussion of Olympic Games and Los Angeles, 1984 is often the primary focus; but the Tenth Olympiad hosted by the same city in 1932 provides a more meaningful and lasting legacy within the Olympic narrative. This thesis looks at the stadium construction of Olympic host cities prior to 1932 and investigates the process by which Los Angeles came to host the 1932 Summer Olympics. The significance of the first athletic village and a history of the venues used for the 1932 competition will also be explored. This thesis will show that the depression-era 1932 Los Angeles Olympics provides a model more in line with original Olympic principals opposed to the current economically-driven system. Within that 1932 model is a means by which a host city can incorporate existing facilities adequate for a large festival and also, when and where construction is needed, provide future-use plans that serve a community beyond the duration of an Olympiad. Los Angeles and 1932 are unique in that the built environment that remains still serves the city in various ways, an idea not necessarily incorporated in twenty-first century Olympic models.</p>

<p> Although Maryland was never a part of the Confederacy during the war, the large number of southern sympathizers within the city allowed for the Maryland Division of the United Daughters of the Confederacy to grow into a powerful organization. This thesis examines how the commemorative actions taken by the Maryland Division--and the UDC as a whole-- allowed women to gain more political and social power within their communities. The Baltimore Confederate Monument is a physical example of how the elite southern women of the Maryland Division commemorated the Confederate past and culture, particularly within a contested space. Despite being formally a part of the Union, Confederate women in Maryland continued to provide support for Confederate soldiers and to help memorialize the Confederate cause. As they worked to memorialize the "Lost Cause" and the Confederacy within their borders, the Maryland Division faced challenges both typical of their Southern peers as well as those unique to Maryland, given Maryland's position as a border state. In addition, this thesis specifically examines the Baltimore Confederacy Monument, both its design and how the city reacted to the monument. Both the statue and other memorialization efforts done by the Maryland Division allowed Confederate sympathizers within the state to work towards their ultimate goal of the vindication of Confederate culture.</p>