<p> Between 1969 and 1972, the Philippines experienced significant political unrest after Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos&rsquo; successful reelection campaign. Around the same time, American President Richard Nixon formulated a foreign policy approach that expected its allies to be responsible for their own self-defense. This would be known as the Nixon Doctrine. This approach resulted in Marcos&rsquo; declaration of martial law in September 1972, which American officials silently supported. American officials during this time also noted Marcos&rsquo; serving of American business and military interests. Existing literature differed on the extent Marcos served what he thought were American interests. Stanley Karnow&rsquo;s <i>In Our Image</i> noted that Marcos did not adequately serve American interests, noting that he sent an insignificant amount of soldiers to Vietnam. Karnow also did not mention business interests. Raymond Bonner&rsquo;s <i>Waltzing with a Dictator </i> mentioned that Marcos was effective for serving American business and military interests. James Hamilton-Paterson&rsquo;s <i> America&rsquo;s Boy</i> agrees with Bonner&rsquo;s assessment, also noting that Marcos served American business and military interests. Materials from the <i>Digital National Security Archive</i> (DNSA) and <i> Foreign Relations of the United States</i> (FRUS) series affirmed Bonner and Hamilton-Paterson&rsquo;s position, while noting that Karnow&rsquo;s work was outdated because of the limited information he had when <i>In Our Image</i> was published. There are three issues that concerned the U.S.-Philippine relationship under President Marcos during this time. The first issue was the societal and political unrest that threatened to undermine Marcos. The second issue concerned U.S. officials&rsquo; application of the Nixon Doctrine to the Philippines. The third regarded President Marcos&rsquo; serving of military and business interests in the Philippines. Marcos supported maintaining America&rsquo;s Filipino bases, which were important hubs of American military operations during the Vietnam War. In addition to military interests, President Marcos also aided American businesses in the Philippines, by removing restrictions that threatened American business activity. Each of these concerns led to President Marcos&rsquo; declaration of martial law. American officials&rsquo; tacit support for Marcos reflected their commitment to the Nixon Doctrine, which ensured political stability that preserved American business and military interests.</p>

<p> This dissertation examined the literature of cutback management in the context of the Great Recession. Specifically, it studied the relationship between cutback management policies used by county governments during the recession and revenue changes. </p><p> The purpose of this dissertation was to test whether or not the percent change in revenue had an impact on the probability that cutback management policies were used in the recession. According to the cutback management literature developed in the 1970s and 1980s, there should be a relationship. </p><p> The theoretical framework used for this study was the rational-approach framework, which proposes that every expenditure reducing and revenue increasing policy is enacted based on the percent decrease in revenue the government faces. This suggests that the cutback management policies are a proportional response to revenue decline. The framework was operationalized by using a binary logistic regression that used policy enactment as the dependent variable and the percent change in revenue as the independent variable. Eighty-six counties were sampled and 7 years of each county&rsquo;s budget book were examined for policies and financial data. </p><p> The research found that eleven expenditure policies and three revenue policies had a statistically significant relationship with the percent change in revenues. This resulted in the conclusion that the framework and, therefore, the cutback management literature were useful in explaining primarily expenditure policies.</p>

<p>“Redistributing Risk” explains how coal, which powered the industrial revolution, continued to be a linchpin of U.S. energy production long into the post-industrial era. During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, coal fueled everything from railroad engines to the foundries that forged the steel on which they rode. But the market for coal dwindled during the middle of the twentieth century, and by the 1960s many Americans viewed it as a relic of a dirty and dangerous industrial past. Surprisingly, the industry rebounded during the 1970s, when concerns about energy supplies pushed policymakers and electricity producers to renew the nation’s reliance on coal. In the forty years since, new technology has amplified demand for electricity, and coal has powered yet another revolution in the global political economy. Ironically, a fuel that mid-century observers saw as a thing of the past actually illuminated their future.</p><p>I argue that the key to the industry’s success during the 1970s was a redistribution of the risks associated with coal mining. By the late 1960s, the danger of underground mining was among the industry’s greatest liabilities. High death rates from workplace accidents and the millions disabled by respiratory diseases like coal miners’ pneumoconiosis (commonly referred to as black lung) contributed significantly to coal’s poor reputation. Death rates began to plummet after Congress passed the first comprehensive federal mine safety law in 1969, but miners’ efforts to enforce safety through work stoppages and the pressure to stabilize productivity led operators toward a greater reliance on surface methods, which were safer for workers but more dangerous for nearby communities, ecosystems, and—with the later spread of mountaintop removal—to the mountains themselves.</p> / Dissertation

<p>While the field of religious studies increasingly turns toward material culture as a counterbalance to understandings of religion that privilege questions of individual belief, theology, and text, influential histories of atheism in the West remain largely confined to the mode of intellectual history. This is understandable when atheism is commonly understood first-and-foremost as an idea about the nonexistence of God. But like religion, atheism is not a purely intellectual position; it is rooted in interpersonal emotional exchanges, material objects and media, and historically-contextual social communities. This dissertation uses tools from the materialist turns in both religious studies and media studies to explore the history of American atheism and its reliance on non-intellectual and non-rational forces. Drawing on theories of affect, visual culture, and aesthetics, it argues that atheism in America has always been more than an idea. In particular, it uses different media forms as lenses to examine the material bases of evolving forms of American disbelief from the 19th century to today. Using archival records of nineteenth-century print media and political cartoons, transcripts and audio-recordings of radio broadcasts during the mid-twentieth-century, and digital ethnography and discourse analysis on contemporary Internet platforms, this dissertation argues that American irreligion has often eschewed the rational in favor of emotional and material strategies for defining a collective identity. Each chapter highlights different metaphors that have been enabled by print, broadcast, and digital media – metaphors that American unbelievers have used to complicate the understanding of atheism as simply a set of beliefs about the nature of reality.</p> / Dissertation

<p> This dissertation examines two radically different political projects in Argentina as moments in a dynamic of revolution and counterrevolution. The short-lived, progressive Peronist government of 1973 sought to construct a more egalitarian and democratic society, addressing social inequalities while fomenting political mobilization. In response, the last and most violent military dictatorship (1976&ndash;1983) aimed at suppressing social antagonisms and the perceived excesses of mass democracy. In each case, education was a means to form citizens suitable to a specific conception of society. Therefore, each political project can be understood with special clarity through an examination of civic education and pedagogic reforms. The progressive Peronist government encouraged students to participate in exploring and addressing social inequalities to bring about social justice. The dictatorship was counterrevolutionary insofar as it put forth an ideological project without precedent in previous military regimes that aimed not simply at preserving the status quo ante but at founding a new society. In order to do so, it sought to eradicate &ldquo;subversion&rdquo; and to form spiritually minded, obedient, and individualistic citizens through a broad schooling reform. Based on both archival research and oral history, this dissertation sheds light on the political uses of education, on the Cold War dynamic of revolution and counterrevolution in Latin America, and on the centrality of social antagonisms for our understanding of authoritarianism. </p>

<p> During the colonial and early antebellum periods, women of color on the Louisiana frontier received significant amounts of money and property from white male benefactors for themselves and their mixed-race children. Although state laws placed restrictions on inheritances and donations to concubines and illegitimate children, the majority of such transactions in southwest Louisiana went unchallenged or remained intact after white heirs challenged their legality. This study examines how free women of color or manumitted female slaves and their mixed-race children in southwest Louisiana acquired and maintained control of such property between 1740 and 1840, in spite of the laws that barred them from doing so. Few scholarly works have focused their attention exclusively to the lives of women of color on the Louisiana frontier during the colonial and early American era and those that have typically adhere to a very strict regional or urban focus, leaving out significant swaths of the state. This study scrutinizes the lives of women of color living on the Louisiana frontier between the years of 1740 and 1840, who formed long-term relationships with white men and received property as a result of these relationships.</p>

<p> Saint Frances Orphan Asylum and Saint Elizabeth Home were institutions in post-bellum Baltimore for African American orphans. Saint Frances Orphan Asylum was founded and managed by the Oblate Sisters of Providence, the first community of women religious of African origin. The Franciscan Sisters, whose order originated in England, directed Saint Elizabeth&rsquo;s Home. As Catholic institutions, the orphanages received support, albeit in differing levels, from the Archdiocese of Baltimore. This study investigated the two institutions and their place in the Catholic Church. Primary source documents from the Oblate Sisters of Providence Archive and the Franciscan Sisters of Baltimore Archive form the basis for this dissertation. An analysis of those documents, and others, reveals that race and gender were critical factors in Catholic support of the two institutions. Saint Elizabeth Home, run by a white order of nuns, received a great deal more backing, both financial and political, than did Saint Frances Orphan Asylum. Support for the Oblates and their institution varied depending upon the leadership of the church at a particular time and the personal beliefs.</p>

<p> On March 10, 1957, the United States Army Corps of Engineers completed The Dalles Dam and inundated Celilo Falls, the oldest continuously inhabited site in North America and a cultural and economic hub for Indigenous people. In the negotiation of treaties between the United States, nearly one hundred years earlier, Indigenous leaders reserved access to Columbia River fishing sites as they ceded territory and retained smaller reservations. In the years before the dam&rsquo;s completion, leaders, many of who were the descendants of earlier treaty signatories, attempted to stop the dam and protect both fishing sites from the encroachment of state and federal regulations and archaeological sites from destruction. This study traces the work of Wilson Charley, a Native fisherman, a member of the Yakama Nation&rsquo;s Tribal Council, and great-grandson of one of the 1855 treaty signatories. More broadly, this study places Indigenous actors on a twentieth-century Columbia River while demonstrating that they played active roles in the protest and management of areas affected by The Dalles Dam. </p><p> Using previously untapped archival sources&mdash;a substantial cache of letters&mdash;my analysis illustrates that Charley articulated multiple strategies to fight The Dalles Dam and regulations to curtail Native&rsquo;s treaty fishing rights. Aiming to protect the 1855 treaty and stop The Dalles Dam, Charley created Native-centered regulatory agencies. He worked directly with politicians and supported political candidates, like Richard Neuberger, that favored Native concerns. He attempted to build partnerships with archaeologists and landscape preservationists concerned about losing the area&rsquo;s rich cultural sites. Even after the dam&rsquo;s completion, he conceptualized multiple tribal economic development plans that would allow for Natives&rsquo; cultural and economic survival. </p><p> Given the national rise of technological optimism and the willingness for the federal government to terminate its relationship with federally recognized tribes, Charley realized that taking the 1855 treaty to court was too risky for the political climate of the 1950s. Instead, he framed his strategies in the language of twentieth-century conservation, specifically to garner support from a national audience of non-natives interested in protecting landscapes from industrial development. While many of these non-native partners ultimately failed him, his strategies are noteworthy for three reasons. First, he cast the fight to uphold Native treaty rights in terms that were relevant to non-natives, demonstrating his complex understanding of the times in which he lived. Second, his strategies continued an ongoing struggle for Natives to fish at their treaty-protected sites, thereby documenting an overlooked period between the fishing rights cases of the turn of the twentieth century and the 1960s and 1970s. Charley left a lasting legacy that scholars have not recognized because many of his visionary ideas came to fruition decades later. Finally, my analysis of Charley&rsquo;s letters also documents personal details that afford readers the unique perspective of one Indigenous person navigated through a tumultuous period in the Pacific Northwest and Native American history.</p>

Thesis (M.M.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / The purposes of this study were to (1) present a survey of social and cultural backgrounds in the American colonies during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the years of the nation's birth, and (2) investigate and document the attitudes toward music and the musical activities of such representative American colonial statesmen as George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, Francis Hopkinson, Thomas Jefferson, and John Quincy Adams. / 2031-01-01

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University. / The first decade of Lincoln's political life centered around questions of economics, and his interst in these matters remained strong throughout the entire period under consideration. Although Lincoln was not an original thinker in the field of political economy, he did develop firm opinions based on his conception of the American dream of a mobile society, and on the whole, reflecting the views of Henry Clay and the Whig party. He read some of the economists of his time, Francis Wayland and Henry C. Carey for example, but his knowledge of economic theory came mostly second hand from the Congressional Globe, Horace Greeley's Whig Almanac, and the news papers such as the National Intelligencer or the New York Tribune. The western lawyer was not interested in what appeared to him to be abstract theories, but he made a successful effort to master the major economic questions of ante-bellum America. [TRUNCATED]