<p> On March 10, 1957, the United States Army Corps of Engineers completed The Dalles Dam and inundated Celilo Falls, the oldest continuously inhabited site in North America and a cultural and economic hub for Indigenous people. In the negotiation of treaties between the United States, nearly one hundred years earlier, Indigenous leaders reserved access to Columbia River fishing sites as they ceded territory and retained smaller reservations. In the years before the dam&rsquo;s completion, leaders, many of who were the descendants of earlier treaty signatories, attempted to stop the dam and protect both fishing sites from the encroachment of state and federal regulations and archaeological sites from destruction. This study traces the work of Wilson Charley, a Native fisherman, a member of the Yakama Nation&rsquo;s Tribal Council, and great-grandson of one of the 1855 treaty signatories. More broadly, this study places Indigenous actors on a twentieth-century Columbia River while demonstrating that they played active roles in the protest and management of areas affected by The Dalles Dam. </p><p> Using previously untapped archival sources&mdash;a substantial cache of letters&mdash;my analysis illustrates that Charley articulated multiple strategies to fight The Dalles Dam and regulations to curtail Native&rsquo;s treaty fishing rights. Aiming to protect the 1855 treaty and stop The Dalles Dam, Charley created Native-centered regulatory agencies. He worked directly with politicians and supported political candidates, like Richard Neuberger, that favored Native concerns. He attempted to build partnerships with archaeologists and landscape preservationists concerned about losing the area&rsquo;s rich cultural sites. Even after the dam&rsquo;s completion, he conceptualized multiple tribal economic development plans that would allow for Natives&rsquo; cultural and economic survival. </p><p> Given the national rise of technological optimism and the willingness for the federal government to terminate its relationship with federally recognized tribes, Charley realized that taking the 1855 treaty to court was too risky for the political climate of the 1950s. Instead, he framed his strategies in the language of twentieth-century conservation, specifically to garner support from a national audience of non-natives interested in protecting landscapes from industrial development. While many of these non-native partners ultimately failed him, his strategies are noteworthy for three reasons. First, he cast the fight to uphold Native treaty rights in terms that were relevant to non-natives, demonstrating his complex understanding of the times in which he lived. Second, his strategies continued an ongoing struggle for Natives to fish at their treaty-protected sites, thereby documenting an overlooked period between the fishing rights cases of the turn of the twentieth century and the 1960s and 1970s. Charley left a lasting legacy that scholars have not recognized because many of his visionary ideas came to fruition decades later. Finally, my analysis of Charley&rsquo;s letters also documents personal details that afford readers the unique perspective of one Indigenous person navigated through a tumultuous period in the Pacific Northwest and Native American history.</p>

<p> During the early years of the 19<i>th</i> century Spanish colonies in the Americas went through dramatic political changes as new structures of governance emerged worldwide. Monarchical power throughout the world declined as representational democracy and the nation state became the new norm. This thesis focuses on two Spanish colonies and their transition to nation states, New Spain into Mexico and the R&iacute;o de la Plata into Argentina. An analysis of this transition reveals that the period was much more than just a revolutionary or Independence era, rather, it was demarcated by intense class warfare. Whereas the lower classes of the colonies vied for dramatic changes in political, social, and economic structures, elites had sought to keep intact as much as possible colonial mechanisms of power whilst separating from the Spanish monarchy. This thesis uses constitutions, decrees, laws, and personal letters written by actors from both sides to highlight the intensity of class warfare during this period.</p><p>

<p> This dissertation examines how Israel's establishment affected the relationship between Black Americans and American Jews in the United States. It traces the efforts of a group of leading American Jews, in the ranks of Jewish advocacy organizations, academia, show business, and the American Jewish press, who attempted to leverage their personal, political and professional connections with various prominent Black Americans, in order to elicit Black American support for Israel after World War II. It asks in turn, how the targeted Black Americans responded to the pressure they faced from these prominent American Jews. </p><p> Relying primarily on previously unexamined archival material, this narrative of the changing relationship between Black Americans, American Jews and Israel, addresses the historical conundrum of why American Jews got involved with Black American civil rights to the extent that they did. In contrast to previous studies, this dissertation argues that American Jewish involvement in Black American civil rights constituted a practical quid pro quo. It thus contradicts past conceptions of American Jewish civil rights contributions as primarily a philanthropic undertaking. When prominent American Jews threw their support behind Black Americans, politically and professionally, in the 1950s and 1960s, they made it clear that in return they both wanted and expected Black American support for their interests, including Israel. </p><p> Prominent American Jews including American Jewish Congress's Will Maslow, leading American Rabbi and Zionist Stephen Wise, impresario Sol Hurok, and legendary performer Eddie Cantor, among many others attempted to pressure Black American civil rights leaders, like Walter White and Martin Luther King, the United Nations diplomat Ralph Bunche, and famed performers Lionel Hampton, Marian Anderson, Louis Armstrong, Lena Horne, Josephine Baker and many more, to support Israel. In the instances when prominent Black Americans agreed to these terms, their fame, success and influence in their respective fields made them some of the most beneficial Israel supporters in the United States. More often than not, however, American Jewish efforts to leverage their relationships to demand support for Israel resulted in tensions and resentment from prominent Black Americans. This dissertation therefore, demonstrates that the late 1960s clashes between Blacks and Jews, which scholars have heretofore identified as the "death-knell of Black-Jewish relations" in the United States, actually reflected tensions that mounted, often over Israel, during the course of the two preceding decades. Ultimately, this dissertation argues, Black Americans' perspectives on Israel, between 1947 and 1970, reflected the changing nature, tone, and significance of their relationships with the American Jews, who sought to influence them.</p><p>

<p> The tumultuous period of the 1960s reflect an era of change and renegotiation of the power dynamics in the United States. While forging an ethno-nationalist identity, the historical agents of the Chicano Movement also struggled with some of their identifying characteristics and those characteristics impact on their activism. The most notable internal conflict with the Chicanos&rsquo; construction of identity was the role of their faith and its physical manifestation: the Catholic Church. Through the external movements of notable leaders, such as C&eacute;sar Ch&aacute;vez, Ricardo Cruz, and Reies Lopez-Tijerina, the role of religion in a movement that is typically considered secular was notable. These leaders questioned the use of resources by the Church on behalf of the Chicanos and demanded that the Church serve, along with the movement, in their pursuit for equality. Chicano leaders established a precedent for internal changes via Chicano priests and religious Chicanas within the Church. As criticism of the Catholic Church by external forces allowed for ample space for internal members of the system to advocate for change on the basis of the protests. Members of the movement pressured the Catholic Church to support its Chicana constituents were necessary to elicit change from the Catholic Church in its support of Chicano constituents. Each group within the Chicano political movement shared demands of the Church to utilize native clergy, reconsider the use of their resources, and serve their constituents&rsquo; physical and not just their spiritual needs. Aside from this reciprocal relationship, these Chicanos political leaders forced the Catholic Church to act on the declarations of Vatican II by relying on liberationist concepts. These concepts sought to establish a focus on the impoverished and to treat the spiritual needs and earthly needs of the poor simultaneously. The Chicano Movement demanded that the Catholic Church become involved with issues of social justice and provide the Chicano Movement with a greatly needed moral justification.</p><p>

Both critics and defenders of socialism often regard socialism as the full negation of all capitalist social structures. However, a careful analysis of socialist practices in the Third World reveals that the construction of socialism depends not only on the pre-revolutionary structure, but also on the specific dynamics of the domestic and international opposition. A realistic understanding of socialism requires an examination of the interactions between domestic and international political forces and the socio-economic factors constraining this relationship. This comparative analysis of the transitionary processes in Cuba and north Korea during the period of 1959 to 1970 and 1945 to 1961, respectively, confirms the importance of these interactions in shaping socialist societies. Among the conditions favorable to the socialist transformations of both Cuba and north Korea were the large number of wage workers and landless peasants, the discrediting of the bourgeoisie for their collaboration with neo-colonial or colonial forces, the strong leftist sentiment among the masses, and the decision by anti-socialist forces to flee their country rather than remaining to fight. These factors enabled both regimes to avoid the repressive use of force and to develop a more humane socialism, despite the severe technical and financial losses inflicted by the exodus of the bourgeoisie. The legitimacy of the north Korean and Cuban regimes is based upon the role of Kim Il-Sung and Fidel Castro, respectively, in each revolutionary struggle. Their background in guerrilla movements contributed to the widening of their perspectives beyond narrow class-biased communism. In each country, power was then centralized to maintain unity against "imperialist" aggressions and to secure the power of the hegemonic leader and group. Both Cuba and north Korea experienced U.S. intervention, blockades, and a sudden isolation from the world capitalist system during their transitionary period. Although aid from socialist allies was received, Cuba was forced to reduce its revolutionary internationalism to secure Soviet aid, whereas north Korea succeeded in resisting Soviet interference through successful industrialization. Thus, a fair understanding of Third World socialism requires much more than a static conception of socialism. Instead, a study of the effect of historical constraints on the evolving vision of socialism is necessary in any study of Third World socialism.