acase@tulane.edu

acase@tulane.edu

The Cajuns of Louisiana are currently engaged in a widespread, popular assertion of their identity. Unlike other ethnic movements around the world, this one is not concerned with a redistribution of power or resources, and it has avoided confrontations and violence. Instead it emphasizes expressive culture, including language and celebrations, and is manifested most strongly in slogans proclaiming identity rather than in political rhetoric. This study, based on twelve months of participant observation in a Cajun community, is an examination of the nature of Cajun ethnic assertion and the reasons that it differs from other such movements Cajuns are a heterogeneous and currently prosperous group. Because of their prosperity, Cajuns have no need to mobilize politically for a redistribution of resources. Their heterogeneity is such that they lack a true common heritage despite their shared label, and there are few common issues or causes that unite them. Group action on any level is virtually impossible to achieve But Cajuns are united ritually through their many festivals, which celebrate themes ranging from natural resources to ethnic identity itself. There are dozens of Cajun festivals, large and small. None has been recognized as the official ethic unifier, but the Breaux Bridge Crawfish Festival has emerged unofficially as the most powerful. The crawfish has been adopted as the Cajun symbol; it represents their unique identity to themselves and to non-Cajuns, and it unites Cajuns of varying backgrounds and ideologies. Publicly celebrating the most powerful ethnic symbol, the Crawfish Festival signifies group solidarity and harmony, uniting the disparate and conflicting subgroups. It has accordingly become the primary vehicle through which Cajun identity is expressed Lacking political mobilization or the unity and leadership necessary to support it, and without the need to express political grievances, Cajun group unity is precarious. There is no ethnic 'movement' beyond casual expressions of ethnic pride because there is no need for one. Ethnic unity and the salience of the group are maintained through ritual (the festivals) in the absence of other solidifying devices. The festivals, and the Crawfish Festival in particular, are therefore instrumental in the retention of group unity, and in the very perpetuation of group identity / acase@tulane.edu

acase@tulane.edu

acase@tulane.edu

acase@tulane.edu

Data from colonial archives are utilized to produce a documentary ethnography of selected aspects of Jacaltec-Maya culture between 1524 and 1821. Six Spanish-introduced institutions, prevalent during the colonial phase of Jacaltenagno's past, are the focus of the study. These institutions--the encomienda (grant of Indians), the corregimiento (regional political jurisdiction), the Catholic mission, the caja de comunidad (community treasury), the cofrad(')ia (religious sodality), and the cabildo (town council)--are described and analyzed with the aim of determining their influence on the socio-economic, political, and religious life of the colonial Jacaltecs. Through this institutional analysis, the study seeks to explore the colonial origins of the corporate structure of politico-religious organization characteristic of twentieth century Jacaltenango Encomienda, corregimiento, and mission were the primary colonial institutions through which the dominant Spanish sector acquired the products of Jacaltec labor, directed local government and agriculture, and undertook to create and maintain a Jacaltec society based on European religious, political, and moral principles. In Jacaltenango itself, the Spaniards employed the institutions of caja, cabildo, and cofrad(')ia as a framework for the reorganization of Indian society. But, although these community-level institutions were supervised by Spanish civil and ecclesiastical authorities, their everday operation was in the charge of Jacaltecs. This important circumstance made these Ibero-Indian institutions susceptible both to local modifications of their forms and to local reinterpretations of their functions Within this framework for change to the expectations of the dominant culture, Jacaltecs made adaptations which fostered the development of religious and political patterns alien to the superordinate group's intentions. These successful adaptations were accomplished by exploiting functional possibilities of the Ibero-Indian community-level institutions unrecognized by their Spanish sponsors. Thus, the colonial cabildo's functions were expanded to include the performance of communitywide religious ceremonies, directed by native priests whose activites the cabildo also camouflaged. The caja was transformed from a secular institution to one imbued with supernatural powers and surrounded by taboos. Both institutions, as well as other organizational features of colonial society, have survived into the twentieth century in modified form. The organizational features and group values embodied in the restructured cabildo and the transformed caja (now known as the alcaldes rezadores and the caja real, respectively) reflect traditional native values, and from the basis for the tightly knit corporate structure of community life which characterizes twentieth century Jacaltenango / acase@tulane.edu

Three research questions were studied across three distinct societies--The United States of America, The People's Republic of China, and Venezuela. First, do cultural values and work beliefs differ across the three countries? Second, what is the relationship between cultural values and work beliefs across the three countries? And third, is there a relationship between cultural values and work beliefs on the one hand, and attitudes towards relevant business issues on the other? / A 250 item questionnaire was used to measure: cultural values of individualism, masculinity, uncertainty avoidance, power distance, paternalism; work beliefs including the work ethic, humanism, Marxist beliefs, organizational beliefs, and the leisure ethic; and attitudes toward selected national and international business issues. The questionnaire was administered to approximately 1,000 students and managers/professionals in each of the three countries in their native languages (English, Chinese, and Spanish). These two groups were targeted because they represent current and future decision makers and persons of authority in their respective countries. / Significant differences in cultural values and work beliefs were revealed through Multiple Analyses of Variance (MANOVAs). Multiple Regressions revealed several cultural values to be significant predictors of work beliefs. Finally, and most importantly, regression analyses revealed that different combinations of cultural values and work beliefs combined to explain a great deal of variance in attitudes towards socioeconomic issues of importance to international business. Implications for current theory and practice were discussed and directions for future research were given. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 52-05, Section: A, page: 1816. / Major Professor: Lee P. Stepina. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1991.

This study was grounded on the assumption that the native culture of a sojourner is the main parameter through which he functions whether in his country or abroad. With this in mind, the educational perceptions of 123 male Saudi graduates from American or Saudi universities were identified and compared for the main purposes and goals of higher education, reasons for students to attend university, and acceptance of staff teaching students of the opposite sex. Furthermore, graduates' level of satisfaction with their higher education, and the views of graduates from American universities regarding the effect of their education on their perceptions and values in general, were assessed. / Their perceptions of the two groups were very similar for most items with only a few items displaying any significant difference. This reflected an "individual centered" ideology for Saudi graduates from American universities, and the "role of the national" by graduates from Saudi universities. / "Enhancing one's religion" as a main purpose and goal of higher education, and a reason for students to attend university showed significant difference across groups with Saudi university graduates rating it higher than graduates from American universities. Graduates from Saudi universities did not perceive it acceptable for staff to teach students of the opposite sex in both countries, while American university graduates considered it more acceptable in American universities. / Religion as a main purpose and goal of higher education, and a reason to attend university showed significant difference across groups with graduates from Saudi universities giving it a significantly higher rating. / Saudi graduates from both countries were highly satisfied with their education, with considerable difference in their satisfaction with the development of their technical skills and religious knowledge, and enhancing their understand of other cultures and religious beliefs. Graduates from American universities stated their education had a very positive effect on their concept of education and values in general through learning a new methods and skills, and becoming more tolerant and understanding of other cultures. Perceptual differences were explained using respondents' comments and original culture. / The results verified Schumann's Theory of Social Distance (1976) when extended to adopting a second culture. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 56-01, Section: A, page: 0118. / Major Professor: Frederick Jenks. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1994.

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