Presented master's thesis is a one case study of ANO 2011 (meaning "YES" in Czech) movement which was founded by Czech billionaire Andrej Babiš, who is up to date first and only leader of the movement. This thesis does not analyse ANO 2011 from typical perspectives such as concepts of populism or business-firm-party, but it examines from the concept of an anti-political-establishment party. It is objective is to answer, whether and how ANO 2011 fulfilled criteria of the anti-political-establishment party between June 2013 and December 2017. In the first part of the thesis are discussed concepts of the anti-political- establishment party from scholars as Andreas Schedler or Amir Abedi for example. Later is presented author's innovated working definition of the anti-political-establishment party. This definition is then used when examining the research question. The question is examined on the communication on Andrej Babiš Twitter account between June 2013 and December 2017. The research proved ANO was until December 2013 an anti-political-establishment party. The share of posts with anti-political-establishment rhetoric decline later they were occasionally used in the period after 2013. The numbers of posts with anti-political- establishment rhetoric are too low to categorise ANO as an...

A small subsection of the literature on Nietzsche’s political philosophy focuses on a key passage that appears in the sixth section of “Schopenhauer as Educator.” In this passage, Nietzsche claims that the individual’s life attains its highest value by living for the benefit of humanity’s rarest and most valuable specimens. Some philosophers, like John Rawls and Thomas Hurka, take this passage to be sufficient evidence of a larger commitment on Nietzsche’s part to aristocracy. Others oppose Rawls’ and Hurka’s interpretations, claiming that this key passage is evidence of a commitment to democracy. However, both sides are incorrect. This particular section of “Schopenhauer as Educator” is actually evidence of Nietzsche’s commitment to divorcing cultural institutions from the influence of states in toto. I explain why Nietzsche is committed neither to aristocracy nor to democracy, and how the passage from “Schopenhauer as Educator” commits Nietzsche to a post-political position.

¡@¡@The purpose of this essay is to examine the problems emerge from village relocation program by state apparatus. Hongmaogang, the district on Kaohsiung City in Taiwan, is a representative case of village relocation program. This program is in the largest scale in Taiwan. It is also the most significant program in Taiwan which has expended the most considerable budge and has moved abundant residents during nearly forty years. ¡@¡@This study will explores the relocation of Hongmaogang by the anthropology theory of Abrams framework that distinguish the difference from ¡§state idea¡¨ and ¡§state system¡¨ to understand what is state. Author used ¡§in-depth interview¡¨ and ¡§archival analysis¡¨ to analyze this case. This study discovers that the planning and execution model of state apparatus runs similar with the concept of the ideology of developementalism which is mentioned by Ferguson's Anti-Political Machine and Scott¡¦s High Modernity. Under the context, all the local culture, history, fisheries, and social relations in Hongmaogang are ignored by the government. That is to say that Taiwanese government simplifies Hongmaogang into an undeveloped district. ¡@¡@To summarize, this study reveals that the weak economic of the village is associated with the inappropriate planning of government. On the other hand, Taiwanese government believes that villages without relocation program are lagged. This essay is a comprehensive examination of the problems of space shaping in Taiwan.