Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Master of Technology: Design in the Faculty of Informatics and Design at the Cape Peninsula University of Technology 2014 / This study seeks to contribute to the field of documentary photography by looking at a resistance photographer who documented events during the liberation struggle against Apartheid in the 1980s in Cape Town, South Africa. The research explores the richness, depth and complexity of the reflective knowledge of the phenomenon and develops a sense of understanding of the meanings of the circumstances and social context of the researcher. It considers the thoughts, observations as well as reflections regarding the meanings and interpretations of experience as a photographer in the 1980s. The perspective of the research is to understand through the photographer’s memory the phenomenon of interest in the exhibition Martyrs, Saints & Sell-Outs and in so doing argue for a consideration of the lives of those who not only lived during Apartheid but continue to do so after its demise. In addition to thinking about questions of photographic representation, the study also addresses ideas of space, and unarticulated injuries and trauma. The photograph is well suited as a medium through which one may think about these difficult questions, for in its very inception, the medium is one of simultaneous absence and presence. The study concludes with recommendations for future investigation in the documentary photography narrative in Cape Town, South Africa.

This thesis takes the form of an enquiry into the development of the ―generic contours (Bakhtin 4) for the narration of torture in South Africa during apartheid and its aftermath. The enquiry focusses on the ethical determinations that underlie the conventions of this genre. My theoretical framework uses Adam Zachary Newton‘s conceptualization of narrative ethics to supplement Paul Ricoeur‘s writings on narrative identity and the ethical intention, thus facilitating the transfer of Ricoeur‘s abstract philosophy to the realm of literary criticism. Part I presents torture as a disruption of narrative identity and a defamiliarization of the intersubjective encounter. The existence of torture narratives thus attests to the critical role of narration in the reconstruction of the tortured person‘s identity and the re-establishment of benign frameworks of intersubjective communication. Literature‘s potential to act as a laboratory for the testing of the limitations of narrative identity and the resilience of ethical mores suggests that the fictional representation of torture also has an important role to play in this attempt at rehabilitation. Part II takes the form of a comparative analysis of non-fictional and fictional accounts of torture originating from apartheid South Africa. This shows that the ethical determinations underlying the narration of torture in South Africa range from intersubjective estrangement to a ―solicitude of reciprocity (Bourgeois 109). However, because the majority of these texts used the presentation of human rights abuses to galvanize international opposition to apartheid, the scope for experimentation was limited by the political exigencies of the time. Part III examines the stylistic and generic shifts in the narration of torture that accompanied South Africa‘s transition to democracy. It suggests that the discursive dominance of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission replaced the fruitful—in literary terms—dialogue between authoritarianism and resistance that characterized the apartheid era with a monologic grand narrative of emotional catharsis, reconciliation and nation building. It also suggests that the ―truth-and-reconciliation genre of writing (Quayson 754) that shaped the literary milieu of the post-TRC period be seen in terms of a resurgence of the apartheid–era paradigms for the narration of human rights abuses that were repressed during the initial phase of democratic transition. By framing the TRC as a catalyst for individual journeys of self-discovery, these novels raise important questions about what it means to be a part of the ―new South Africa. In contrast to the majority of apartheid era literature, the novels of the post-TRC period privilege the literary prerogative over the political, and thus bring to fruition the experimental potential of the previous paradigm. In doing so, they not only go beyond solicitude to achieve an ―authentic reciprocity in exchange (Ricoeur, Oneself 191), but also initiate a process of long-awaited literary expansion, in which authors look beyond the limits of apartheid and begin to critically engage with the region‘s pre-apartheid history and its post-apartheid present.

The focal point of this treatise is the evaluation of the paradigm shift that has taken place in our South African criminal justice system post 1994. This shift is seen as a move away from a retribution approach to a more victim-centred approach. One needs to remember that the previous regime had unfair and unjust laws: to do away with such laws an interim constitution1 was enacted in Parliament in 1993 and became operational on 27 April 1994. It was the fundamental law of South Africa. This was later repealed by the final Constitution 2 on 4 April 1997. In its preamble it states categorically that it seeks to establish a “society based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights” and “(to) lay the foundations for a democratic and open society in which government is based on the will of the people and every citizen is equally protected by law”. One of the priorities of democratic government in 1996 was the National Crime Prevention Strategy3 (hereafter referred to as the NCPS). It was designed to reduce the high level of crime in our country and has four pillars: the criminal justice process; reducing crime through environmental design; public values and education and trans-national crime. Pillar one is seen as a move away from retribution as punishment towards a system of restorative justice 4. Furthermore the South African government is a signatory to various international laws, treaties and declarations that uphold victims’ rights. One example would be the United Nations Declaration on the Basic Principle of Justice for Victims of Crime and abuse of Power 1985 - in fact the Victims’ Charter is compliant with this declaration. Yet one cannot negate the fact that in the last two decades the status of victims has altered significantly: there has been some development in the transformation of the criminal justice system. Since 1994 the focus gradually shifted from an adversarial and retributive criminal justice to that of restorative justice. This shift is vindicated by following examples: the adoption of the NCPS; the Truth and Reconciliation Commission 5 (hereafter referred to as the TRC); the adoption of the Service Charter for Victims of Crime 6(hereafter referred to as the Victims’ Charter); the enactment of the Child Justice Act7; and case laws which applied restorative justice principles such as S v Maluleke and S v Saayman. Therefore this treatise will evaluate the application of a restorative system by looking at the definition of restorative justice; government commitments to the system; the enactment of Acts and policies that support the system. This will be done in relation to the victims.

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This dissertation examines the factors leading to the opening of negotiations to majority rule in South Africa. It argues that changes to the socio-economic environment led to the growth of the strategic relevance of the black working class, and also created certain points of collision between the black working class and the policies of the state. These sectoral collisions engendered both the partial reforms of the Botha era as well as the rejection of these reforms by the black majority. The developments that emerged from the ensuing process of reform, resistance and repression in the 1980s weakened both the state and the black opposition sufficiently to allow for the emergence of a consensual solution to the political stalemate. / Dissertation submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Master of Arts

M.A. / The study purports to trace and analyse how African women used local structures in the 1950's and 1960's to seek redress against the policies of racial segregation. This study intends showing how African women have piloted local organisations during the period under review, how they resisted all attempts by the local municipal council to have women removed from the location and how women rejected the authority of the local boards. Protest movements and organisations, and the type of political activity women engaged in before the 1950's, have been largely ignored by the few writers who have considered the matter at all. This has resulted in the assumption that there were no women's activities prior to 1950. C. Kros wrote: "...(that) there is a general assumption that until the 1950's women were passive and took a back seat in all spheres except forone or two outbursts of activity, like for instance the resistance against the passes in the Free State in 1913." 3 The study purports to dispel the myth that African women were inactive prior to 1950: This study shows that the emergence of the squatter settlement in the late 1940's was spearheaded by African women who had nowhere to settle, except by pitching up shacks. By early 1940 urban workers found it increasingly difficult to obtain suitably priced residential accommodation as no new houses were built. The study will analyse how Sofasonke Mpanza, a member of the Orlando Advisory Board and the leader of the Sofasonke Mpanza Party, was able to win adherents to his party, the majority of whom were women and why African women in Orlando defied the Municipal Council's regulations and pitched up "shelters" which came to be known as the "Shanty Town".

M.A. (History) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Thesis (Ph.D. Communication Studies)) -- University of Limpopo, 2020 / Hair has been a marker of identity that communicates issues of race, acceptability, class and beauty. Evidence of this was during colonialism and apartheid where South African identities were defined by physical characteristics such as the texture of one’s hair, and the colour of one’s skin. Whiteness was the epitome of beauty which came with certain privileges. Non-White bodies were defined as part of a particular narrative that saw them as well as their hair as inferior to that of White bodies. Academic literature continues to engage African hair from the perspective of a colonial legacy through a postcolonial lens. This study, however, asserts a shift in engaging African hair and introduces an African identity which is re-empowered and liberated through agency and choice, and active participation in the construction of its own identity. This shift in engagement also relinquishes the African identity’s association with the dominant narrative of its conformity to a single European ideology of beauty and identity by introducing a (post)colonial, postmodern theory of a Multi-flex, Neo-hybrid identity which forms part of the theoretical framework of this study. This study draws on the theoretical positions of postmodern theory about the concepts of ‘self’ and identity. It engages interpretations of postmodernism and ‘self’ through the works of Kenneth Gergen and Robert Lifton who provide critical theoretical insight into postmodernism and identity. It also engages critical scholars such as Homi Bhabha, Franz Fanon, Kwame Appiah, Charles Ngwenya and Achille Mbembe, amongst others. Through this theoretical lens, I examine the role of the media in the presentation of the panoply of hair (styles) to South African women in the process of constructing a fluid, flexible and hybrid identity that decentres the ideology of rigid racial identity. I also critically investigate whether non-White women who lived during the colonial-apartheid era and those born in a free democratic era share this multi-flex, neo-hybrid identity of the postmodern woman. Thus this study aims to critically explore social narratives of South African women’s hair and how the media perpetuate the construction of a new postmodern African female identity within the backdrop of the commodification of hair and identity in a globalised market and media environment. Coupled with an interpretivist paradigm, a phenomenological v approach was adopted for this study. Data was collected from print media content material namely, DRUM Hair magazine (editions 2014-2019) due to the assortment of hairstyles and identities it provides for African women. Data was also collected in the form of semi-structured interviews/personal accounts/stories presented as phenomenological narratives from colonial-born Coloured and colonial-born Black female participants. Focus group interviews were conducted on post-apartheid/born-free Coloured and Black female South African participants to understand how these women construct their identities through hairstyle choices and the impact this has on the (re)presentation of their identities within the global beauty market environment. These diverse participants aged from 18 to 104 allow me to trace, if any, the changes in perception of hair and hairstyles from colonial-apartheid South Africa to the new and free post-apartheid South Africa. The results of the study show that media enable the African woman to construct a postmodern identity through the multiplicity of hairstyles/identities available to her. It also provides the African woman with the tools to create various identities for herself through the diversity of hairstyles available to her. The African woman who is exposed to an assortment of hairstyles can navigate from one identity to the next without being loyal to one identity which is typical of the postmodern self. Another finding is that coloniality seems to continue to shape the identities of women born during the colonial apartheid era. But for those born during the (post)colonial and post-apartheid era, they embrace a navigatory form of hybridity that is not loyal to one identity but explores various forms of identity, which the market place affords them and the media perpetuate in the construction of multi-flex, neo-hybrid and postmodern identities. The implication of this study is that it is liberating since it allows us to critically review our identity and what we deem as beautiful and to question the daily choices we make not only with our hairstyles but with fashion, food and other cultural elements that shape our performance of identities. / National Institute for the Humanities and Social Sciences (NIHSS) and South African Humanities Deans Association (SAHUDA)

History / M.A. (History)

In the 1950s, apartheid policies in the Natal countryside served to oppress the majority of African women more than they had ever been before. Yet ironically, it was their being 'left behind' by the system of migrant labour that goaded them into taking overt action against their condition in 1959. The aim of this mini-dissertation is to trace and explain their struggle against "grand apartheid". These women were a force to be reckoned with, and the government of the day felt temporarily threatened by their actions. This study vehemently rejects the misconception that the African women of the rural areas of Natal were docile, slave-like individuals, who placidly accepted their position. The protest marches in the 1950's, more especially 1959, proved African women to be strong-willed and determined to succeed against all odds. These women emerge as anything but placid and docile. History has shown us that women's oppression is not simply a matter of equal rights or discrimination under the law. African women struggled to be recognised as human beings, no different from any other race. In the early 1950's African women, in most parts of South Africa, became more politically active. They played a significant role in the 1952 Defiance Campaign. Shortly after that a "Women's Charter" was adopted. It sought the liberation of all people, the common society of men and women. It took women like Lilian Ngoyi, who made history in 1956 by leading 20 000 women to the Union Buildings in Pretoria in protest against passes for women, to ignite rolling mass action in the various Provinces. This thesis tells of the contemporary struggle of African women in the 1950's, more especially 1959, in Natal. This is a tribute to the countless African women who have made courageous sacrifices in order for change. It is through their radical and somewhat aggressive stance that we have a lot to be thankful for today. We must be mindful of the fact that in the Apartheid era the law itself was used to oppress people. In our new-found democracy it is pleasing to note that the law is somewhat gender sensitive, so that it does not discriminate against men or women in its application. Many of us who research African women are mere observers, who digest what we read, hear and see. Many of us do not understand the complex African way of life. We tend to employ Eurocentric theories and assumptions, which instead serve as a handicap. Thus the African woman is seen as a victim of the African male, and of traditional customs and practices. We fail to see that African women did from the outset, have varying degrees of economic independence, and that colonialism was responsible for depriving African women of their political as well as economic status. These women can claim a degree of triumph in that in the wake of the mass protest action, it took the government years to implement its policy of passes for women. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1999.