This dissertation explores maps as powerful representations of landscapes and pasts. The Ordnance Survey maps of 19th century Ireland are artifacts encoded with messages about social identity, social relations of power and are culturally meaningful within their historical context. Maps are shaped by the contemporary understandings of people, landscapes and the past, and in turn help to influence and reinforce those perceptions. By making maps the subject of problem-directed research, I questioned the role of maps in reflecting and shaping cultural perceptions of space and the past on the landscape, and illustrated that maps are sites of many interactions. The first edition Ordnance Survey maps of a study area in Co. Sligo (northwestern Ireland) were systematically analyzed. Using a phenomenological approach to landscape (which is both theoretical and methodological), I investigated how the maps represented the experiential landscape and past: how they depicted dwelling and belonging in place; movement and action through space; and a sense of both of these as constructed in time, specifically in the past. The process of surveying and mapping, as well as the maps themselves, are a complex mediation of many different perspectives and sometimes conflicting knowledges of place, time and meaning held by different groups including: the Ordnance Survey officials, field surveyors, Victorian antiquarians, the landlord class, the local tenantry. Although the maps depicted colonial images of the landscape, people and past, they also recorded local knowledge, access and intimacy and a sense of belonging. This research adds the voice (or in some cases the conspicuous and intended silence) of the local community to our understanding of the early 19th century in Ireland. More than colonial tools, maps are useful for revealing the experiences of the local people living in the landscape. The maps also encoded an understanding of the Irish past. Mapping places of the past created powerful images that helped to shape and reinforce competing notions of social identity, social relations of power and cultural meaning. This research illustrates how the Ordnance Survey maps of the early 19th century shaped the construction of the past and the tradition of archaeology in Ireland.

For decades, archaeologists have investigated the history of the discipline and, more recently, some have suggested that self-reflection be incorporated into fieldwork and archaeological reports. These efforts should promote critical understandings of archaeological practice as well as of the data and interpretations originating from such practice. This dissertation represents an exploration of the influences, at various levels, affecting one body of data (constituting the German Hamburgian) and interpretations about that data. The Hamburgian was first defined as a late Paleolithic cultural complex on the North European Plain in the early 1930s. Throughout its research history, avocational archaeologists have played a prominent role in the discovery and interpretation of the Hamburgian record. The most influential of these amateurs was Alfred Rust, whose fieldwork at the now-classic sites of Meiendorf and Stellmoor was carried out at the very inception of Hamburgian research. His discoveries inspired a host of other explorations of Hamburgian sites in northern Europe and shaped subsequent expectations and interpretations about this prehistoric period. These findings were eagerly followed by an interested public and were the source of intense regional and national pride during the unique social, political, and economic climate between the World Wars in Germany. Among the early investigations that followed upon the heels of Rust's work was the excavation of Pennworthmoor 1 in Cuxhaven-Sahlenburg by another self-trained archaeologist, Paul Büttner. Sixty years later Pennworthmoor 1 was again the site of archaeological fieldwork at which time I played a part. Past practices of Hamburgian archaeology in northern Germany, in general, and at the site of Pennworthmoor 1, in particular, are considered through documentary and collections research. The formative first decade of Hamburgian archaeology is the primary focus. In addition, a reflexive approach to my own fieldwork at the Pennworthmoor 1 site is offered to illustrate the complexities and effects of daily practice involved in data recovery and interpretation that cannot be readily gleaned from historical records.

The evolution of Iroquoian culture coincided with the development of agriculture, warfare, and tribalization during the Late Woodland Period in the Northeast. Implicit in the currently-held in situ hypothesis is the assumption that these processes occurred endogenously, i.e., as local developments throughout the Iroquoian homeland, arising spontaneously from the adoption of maize horticulture. Two alternative hypotheses for Iroquoian social change are evaluated here; both assume that change was induced exogenously, from pressure generated from the interior of the continent, imposed on Iroquoia from the Ohio/Allegheny River drainage and the Lake Erie basin to the south and west. The three hypotheses are evaluated through an analysis of settlement in the New York Iroquoian homeland.

<p> This thesis, <i>Lenses of Industry,</i> examines how industrial companies and engineers adapted photography to their needs in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Innovations in camera and plate technologies marketed to a broad range of people contributed to a steep rise in the number of photographers in the United States. Recognizing the potential that photography held for industrial companies and engineers, a handful of experts advocated the idea that photography had the potential to make many aspects of business faster, and easier, as well as to make visual records more truthful and accurate. Likewise, innovations in halftone printing technology allowed trade journals like <i>Engineering and Mining Journal</i> to print photographic illustrations, which engineers perceived as being more objective representations of machines and heavy equipment than handmade engravings. The photo collections of three Lake Superior mining companies show that approaches to industrial photography varied according to company and industry. Lake Superior mines did not use photography as regularly or as systematically as large national corporations because mines did not have large public interfaces that sold consumer goods to the public.</p>

<p> The last four decades of research regarding the late prehistoric American Southwest has produced abundant evidence for violence, warfare and cannibalism among the Ancestral Puebloan peoples. Most archaeologists attribute this rise in violence and subsequent abandonment of the Four Corners region to degrading environmental conditions. While ecological factors surely contributed, it is hard to accept that this alone led to the extreme mutilation of hundreds of human remains found throughout the Pueblo territory. It is proposed that increasing social complexity along with new ritual practices resulted in intense and violent attacks throughout the Pueblo expanse.</p>

<p> The Cuyuna Range is a former North American iron mining district about 90 miles(145 kilometers) west of Duluth in central Minnesota. The district was the furthest south and west of the three Minnesota iron ranges (Vermilion, Mesabi, and Cuyuna). In 2011, Students and staff from Michigan Technological University's Department of Social Sciences were asked to identify and promote features of the Cuyuna Range's mining heritage. Methods and approaches of mulitsited archaeology were used to unify the diverse places and themes into a more cohesive narrative. Their investigations focused on sites of technological innovation, social conflict, and important people. One collaborative project involved training a team of local volunteers to survey seven iron mining communities to identify sites with historic importance. In total, 876 sites were documented. The data generated from this effort can be used to develop plans for cultural tourism focused on the iron mining heritage of the Cuyuna Iron Range. It was found that using multiple themes from multisited archaeology strengthened the region&rsquo;s narrative better than simply focusing on sites from a single thematic viewpoint</p>

<p> This dissertation addresses how Victorian class hierarchy persisted on the frontier, and manifested in aspects of military life at Fort Laramie, Wyoming. Historians have argued that Victorian culture was omnipresent, but forts were located on the frontier, which was removed from the cultural core. While social status differences were a central aspect of Victorian culture, few studies have investigated how resilient class divisions were in differing landscapes. The U.S. western frontier was a landscape of conflict, and under the continual stress of potential violence, it is possible that Victorian social status differences weakened. While status differences in the military were primarily signaled through rank insignia and uniforms, this research focuses on subtle everyday inequalities, such as diet and pet dogs. Three independent lines of evidence from Fort Laramie, Wyoming (1849&ndash;1890) suggest that Victorian social status differences did persist despite the location. The Rustic Hotel (1876&ndash;1890), a private hotel at Fort Laramie, served standardized Victorian hotel dishes, which could be found in urban upper-class hotels. Within the military, the upper-class officers dined on the best cuts of beef, hunted prestige game birds, and supplemented their diet with sauger/walleye fish. Enlisted men consumed poorer cuts of beef, hunted smaller game mammals, and caught catfish. Officers also owned well-bred hunting dogs, which were integrated into the family. In contrast, a company of enlisted men frequently adopted a communal mongrel as a pet. This project increases our knowledge of the everyday life on the frontier and social relationships between officers and enlisted men in the U.S. Army. It also contributes to a larger understanding of Victorian culture class differences in frontier regions.</p>

No description available.

<p> Ceramic technologies of Myanmar and South China were analyzed in order to determine characteristic traits and technological origins. Given Myanmar&rsquo;s geographically strategic position between China and Southwest Asia, its ceramic history needs to be reevaluated among the distinct traditions of Southeast Asia. The ceramics of Myanmar show evidence of imitation China and Southwest/Central Asia using locally sourced materials, giving support to Dr. Myo Thant Tyn&rsquo;s theory of the convergence of the Chinese and Southwest/Central Asian ceramic traditions in Myanmar. </p><p> Seven ceramic technologies of Myanmar were analyzed: celadons, black-glazed jars (lead-barium and lead-iron-manganese glazes), brown ash glaze ware, green and opaque white-painted glaze ware and turquoise-glazed, coarse-bodied white earthenware. Celadon glazes and brown glazes were made with ash, similar to the Chinese celadon tradition. Green-and-white opaque ware utilized copper-green colorant glaze decoration with tin and lead oxides as opacifying agents on low-fired oxidized bodies. Both these traditions are probably derived from Southwest Asian ceramic and glass traditions. High-soda, copper-turquoise glazes on coarse white earthenware bodies are influenced by Southwest and Central Asian low-fire ceramic and glass traditions. Black-glazed, &ldquo;Martaban&rdquo;-style storage jars were variable in body and glaze technology and are still of indeterminable technological origin. A phase-separated glaze was analyzed that had a similar phase-separated appearance to northern Chinese Jun ware. </p><p> Additionally, two black-glazed ware types from South China with vertical streaking phase separation were analyzed: Xiba kiln of Sichuan and Jianyang kilns of Fujian. The recently discovered and excavated Xiba kiln made experimental and striking stoneware bowls similar to Jianyang &ldquo;hare&rsquo;s fur&rdquo; ware. Reverse engineering the manufacture of Xiba kiln ware determined that Xiba was an innovative site that imitated Jianyang ware aesthetically but not technologically. Xiba and Jianyang do not have any connection to the six Burmese glaze styles, however, future analyses of Southeast Asian ceramics can use the data for comparison and variability research.</p><p>

<p> This dissertation focuses on religious processions in Athens in the late 6^th and 5^th centuries BCE, when the evidence for processions and festivals first becomes abundant enough to study fruitfully. The built sacred landscape of Athens was beginning to take shape, and Athenian identity was being reshaped under the influence of the Persian Wars, Athens&rsquo; imperial ambitions, and the new popularity of Theseus. Processions traced defined routes in this landscape, forming physical links between center and periphery, displaying numerous symbols which possessed special significance for Athenians and which were part of Athenians&rsquo; cultural memory and collective identity. </p><p> Processions were intense, subjective sensory experiences, full of symbols with deep religious and cultural significance. They were also public performances, opportunities for participants to show off both their piety and their wealth, to perform their membership in the Athenian community, and perhaps to gain social capital or prominence. Not least, processions were movements through a landscape embedded with myths, history, cultural associations, and the connotations of daily lived experience. Previous studies of processions have focused on one of these three aspects&mdash;symbols, participants, or route&mdash;without fully taking account of the others, failing to provide a comprehensive theoretical framework or analysis of these ritual movements. All of these elements&mdash;symbols, participants, and route&mdash;were deliberately chosen, designed to impart particular experiences and meanings to participants and spectators. This dissertation will thus ask why particular symbols, participants, and routes were chosen and explore as many of their potential meanings as possible, considering the myths, cultural associations, and areas of daily life where these elements appeared. </p><p> The repetition of processions is vital to understanding their cultural resonance. Spectators could see the processions multiple times over the course of their lives, and draw new conclusions or interpretations as they gained life experience, learned new stories or myths, and as the collective discourse around Athenian religion created new meanings&mdash;for example, in the aftermath of the Persian Wars. This repetition also reinforced the meanings that these symbols already possessed for Athenians. </p><p> Fran&ccedil;ois de Polignac&rsquo;s bipolar <i>polis</i> theory, which inspired many aspects of this dissertation, characterized processions as ritual &lsquo;links&rsquo; in the landscape connecting center and periphery. This is essentially correct, but in Classical Athens, there were multiple peripheries and a whole calendar full of processions and sacred travel to festivals, the performance of which constructed and maintained the idea of Athens as a spatially and culturally unified territory. Therefore I propose instead the multipolar <i>polis</i> model, which provides a richer and more comprehensive view of the web of connections which linked Athens to her peripheries. These connections included the state-run festivals put on at the major extraurban sanctuaries; the monumental temples and other facilities constructed with state money; the fortifications constructed at or near the sanctuaries, protecting the strategic interests of the state; and the mythical, historical, and ideological significance of these sacred places and their deities. Whether participants traveled to these sanctuaries in a formal procession or via less-organized sacred travel, their movement through the landscape reinforced their associations with it and with the destination sanctuary. </p><p> Processions were complex rituals with many functions. They displayed culturally-significant symbols to participants and spectators, reinforcing their meaning. They provided a stage for participants to perform their status and wealth. They traced a defined route through the landscape of Attica, linking center and periphery, taking participants past a series of meaningful places, buildings, and art. All of these elements&mdash;symbols, people, and places&mdash;drew their meanings from shared myths, rituals, history, and the experience of daily life. The repetition of processions reinforced these meanings in the minds of Athenians, and allowed them to change as Athenian identity changed (and vice versa). It is these threads of common cultural memory, myths and associations that an Athenian could depend on his or her fellow Athenians to remember and understand, and which Athenians wove together in their writings, speeches, plays, and rituals to form their common identity.</p>