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The aim of the thesis is to analyze the Peronist labor movement's role in the Argentine democratic consolidation process. Some scholars, as Valenzuela, have underlined the important role of labor movements in the consolidation of the new democratic regimes emerging from the end of authoritarian rule. This role consists in the moderation of labor's mobilizational activities and militant demands. However, these scholars have not sufficiently emphasized the weakness and the reduced weight of some labor movements after military repression and economic structural transformations. The thesis examines the Argentine case and demonstrates how the several general strikes organized by the CGT during Alfonsin's government did not hinder Argentine democratic consolidation in the short term. The thesis underlines the weakening of the Peronist labor movement and explains its minor role in the consolidation process.

During the military dictatorship in Argentina (1976--1983), 30,000 civilians disappeared. Most of these people were taken by the military to clandestine prisons where they were tortured and killed. The children of these victims were also seized, and pregnant women were kept alive long enough to give birth. An estimated five hundred infants and young children of the disappeared were given for adoption to highly connected families. This thesis consists of a historical background of these events and then offers a series of explanations as to why the military did this.

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In 1928 Hipo´lito lrigoyen was the most popular President that the Argentine people had elected. Two years later his popularity had evaporated and a few hundred military cadets ousted the government. The reasons go beyond this two-year period. Argentina, contrary to popular belief, did not have a democratic tradition. The nation had been ruled by the dominant economic interests up to 1916. In 1916, Hipo´lito Irigoyen was elected to his first term. The people expected him to provide them with a decent and honorable life. But in choosing the legal path of elections instead of revolution Irigoyen pre-empted any revolutionary social changes. In 1928, Irigoyen, at 76, surprised his opponents and won a second term. He was loved by the people as he had embodied their spirit. But lrigoyen considered his victory as a mandate from the people, not an election. As the ends justified the means, the government operated on the margin of legality. lrigoyen had abandoned the principles that he had fought to maintain for over thirty years. This could have been tolerated if lrigoyen had enacted some pervasive social measures to maintain his support. Instead he permitted the usurped power to remain idle. The governmental processes slowed to a snail's pace. Appointments were not made, contracts were not signed, payments were not made while the President was intent upon increasing his power for power alone. The governmental inactivity and usurpations caused a wave of political unrest which culminated in the military golpe de estado of September 6, 1930.

Orientador: Jose Alves de Freitas Neto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-13T15:32:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Padua_DaniloDestro_M.pdf: 851556 bytes, checksum: 7abffeb056882ad1557d48b627090983 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: Este trabalho faz uma análise das transformações políticas ocorridas na Argentina no período de 1989-2001. Ocorreram mudanças no movimento peronista e na condução da política econômica no período da ditadura militar (1976-1983) e governo de Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989) que foram se aprofundando durante o governo de Carlos Menem. Essas mutações se relacionam com o surgimento do movimento dos piqueteros e novas formas de ação política da sociedade Argentina que tiveram seu auge durante as jornadas da chamada crise de 2001. / Abstract: Not informed. / Mestrado / Historia Cultural / Mestre em História