Against the backdrop of the 1933 and 1959 Cuban Revolutions, dance became highly politicized as performers interacted with the state and expressed ideas choreographically about race, gender, and social change. Starting in the 1930s, citizens invested in ballet as a means for cultural progress. In the 1940s and 1950s, a growing cadre of ballet professionals and their supporters advocated for the government to subsidize the form. Simultaneously, carnival, cabaret, and concert dancers sparked widespread discussion about nation and racial formation, specifically the place of blackness and whiteness in Cuba. As a result, performers and patrons established the political valence of dance as means for reflecting on larger questions about self and society. After 1959, dancers adapted to the regime change while pursuing longstanding projects. Ballet dancers performed aggressive choreography in fatigues, along with traditional ballets from Europe and Russia, as part of their revolutionary repertoire. Dance teachers built upon previous pedagogical efforts and contributed to new social engineering projects to “improve” Cuban youth. In parallel, modern and folkloric dancers choreographically critiqued patriarchy and race relations in a supposedly post-racial society. These performances developed a Cuban way of dancing and watching dance, the latter characterized as engaged and talkative. Dancers and publics built a vibrant establishment that eventually transcended national borders with Cubans dancing and teaching abroad in the 1970s and 1980s. Meanwhile, dancers contributed to the growing tourist industry and pushed for institutional changes at home in the late 1980s. In 1990, Cuba entered a crisis that destabilized the relationship between dance and politics that had developed over the previous six decades. During this period, different dance forms including cabaret, carnival, ballet, modern dance, and folkloric dance received various levels of public and state support. I argue that there were important continuities in dance hierarchies with ballet holding the greatest cultural and political capital starting in the 1930s. I also contend that dancers of different genres employed similar tactics to navigate sociopolitical shifts and expressive parameters across the decades. They consistently shaped dance institutions and asserted the value of their work to revolution and nationhood. This social and cultural history of Cuban dance sheds light on the reach and limitations of state power in Cuba as numerous constituencies engaged with the revolution, maneuvering for agency within a limited public sphere.

本論文選取畫家符羅飛（1897-1971）進行研究，旨在通過文字及圖像史料復原這一被視作“歷史失蹤者的藝術家個案，並將其放在20 世紀中國藝術與革命互動關係的語境中進行考察。文章依據時序及符羅飛活動地點與内容的變化，分爲五個章節，結合文獻考據、視覺分析及藝術社會學等研究方法，分別探討他於20 世紀20 至60 年代在上海、意大利、香港及華南等地的藝術創作與社會活動，並著重觀察這位以藝術積極投入社會革命、且擁有明確政治信仰的畫家及其代表的群體，是如何通過主動轉變藝術面貌，從而與20 世紀中國社會的大變動連成一體。本文認爲：符羅飛於抗戰期間攜傾向古典寫實的那不勒斯畫派畫風及自創的水墨寫生歸國，但其藝術救國活動最初並未達至理想效果；直到40 年代中期才在通過不斷地寫生、辦展，逐漸吸收國統區漫畫與木刻中流行的德國表現主義元素，脫胎出具有強烈視覺刺激和道德感召力、又符合中共革命訴求的代表性藝術面貌，在特定的政治人群中得到廣泛承認，在此過程中輿論因素的影響不可忽視；同時，他的彩墨實驗等游離於政治目標之外的藝術活動打破了“革命畫家"的刻板印象；而他在政權鼎革後因未能適應高度一元化的藝壇新秩序而湮沒於混亂時世的最終命運，又折射出五四以來自由知識分子傳統與中共黨文化之間不可調和的矛盾。 / This thesis is a monographic study on the artist Fu Luofei (1897-1971), aiming to reconstruct his life and art with textual and visual historical materials, with focus on the interaction between art and revolution in the twentieth-century China. The five chapters of this thesis examine Fu’s artistic and social activities in Shanghai, Italy, Hong Kong and South China from the 1920s to 1960s chronologically, and mainly investigate how this artist, who had definite political belief and was willing to devote his art to social revolution, involved in and acted on the transformation of Chinese society in the twentieth century through continuously transforming his artistic styles. / As this study demonstrates, Fu brought back from Italy the representational painting style of the Neapolitan School and the achievement of his ink experiment in the late 1930s. However, his attempt on “saving the nation by art" did not succeed until mid-1940s. At that time, Fu established his signature style by absorbing the visual elements of German Expressionist paintings, one of the prevailing styles for cartoons and woodcut prints in the Kuomintang ruled areas. His signature style, which was strong in visual stimulation as well as in moral and emotional appeal, was developed through unceasing exchanges with the leftist critics and echoed with the political demand of the Chinese Communist Party. Meanwhile, as is rarely known, Fu also painted in the form of traditional guohua (Chinese national painting), which reveals a not-so-revolutionary side of the “revolutionary artist". His tragedy after the establishment of the People’s Republic vividly illustrates the irreconcilable conflicts between the May Fourth tradition of intellectual independence and the political culture of the CCP. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 陳鶯. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 294-307) and index. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Chen Ying. / 導言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 留學意大利（1930-1938） --- p.12 / Chapter 第一節 --- 文獻回顧：留意傳奇與疑問 --- p.12 / Chapter 第二節 --- 歐遊前傳：上海美專及其它 --- p.17 / Chapter 第三節 --- 那不勒斯：特殊的選擇 --- p.22 / Chapter 第四節 --- 美術學院内外 --- p.29 / Chapter 第五節 --- “求真"與“人情"：學院傳統及留意畫作 --- p.49 / Chapter 第六節 --- 東方學院：在中意之間 --- p.67 / Chapter 第七節 --- 歸國始末 --- p.84 / Chapter 第二章 --- 一九三八年在香港（1938-1939） --- p.103 / Chapter 第一節 --- 登場 --- p.103 / Chapter 第二節 --- 抗戰救國理想的首次實踐 --- p.107 / Chapter 第三節 --- 中國筆作西洋畫 --- p.117 / Chapter 第四節 --- 社會網絡：文化人、政經界及同鄉會組織 --- p.127 / Chapter 第五節 --- 結果與現實 --- p.135 / Chapter 第三章 --- 從歐洲學院到中國現實（1939-1948） --- p.140 / Chapter 第一節 --- 北上行蹤 --- p.140 / Chapter 第二節 --- 風格改造：形式與内容 --- p.144 / Chapter （一） --- 1941年桂林展 --- p.145 / Chapter （二） --- 1943年“現實主義浪漫派"巡展 --- p.152 / Chapter （三） --- 1946至1948年穗港展 --- p.158 / Chapter 第三節 --- 代表性風格的面貌 --- p.164 / Chapter （一） --- 代表性風格的兩種類型 --- p.165 / Chapter （二） --- 保留的與捨棄的 --- p.171 / Chapter （三） --- 新風格形成期間所受之影響 --- p.173 / Chapter 第四節 --- 風格選擇的成因：表現主義與中國“現實" --- p.180 / Chapter 第四章 --- 重訪香江（1947-1949） --- p.189 / Chapter 第一節 --- 再度居港與文化人南下潮 --- p.188 / Chapter 第二節 --- 人間畫會：組織結構及主要活動 --- p.193 / Chapter 第三節 --- 左翼文藝標準的強化 --- p.202 / Chapter 第四節 --- “國畫"：代表性風格以外的藝術嘗試 --- p.210 / Chapter 第五節 --- 短暫的美國夢 --- p.218 / Chapter 第六節 --- 迎接新中國 --- p.226 / Chapter 第五章 --- 政治氣候的轉變（1949-1971） --- p.235 / Chapter 第一節 --- 從體制外到體制内 --- p.235 / Chapter 第二節 --- 過渡時期：以舊風格唱新語句 --- p.241 / Chapter 第三節 --- 代表性畫風的瓶頸 --- p.249 / Chapter 第四節 --- 描繪新生活 --- p.257 / Chapter 第五節 --- 傳奇落幕 --- p.265 / Chapter 結語 --- 自畫像：個人命運與時代洪流 --- p.271 / 中文參考文獻 --- p.294 / 外文參考文獻 --- p.304 / Chapter 附錄一 --- 符羅飛藝術活動年表 --- p.308 / Chapter 附錄二 --- 人名索引 --- p.321 / 圖版目錄 --- p.329 / 圖版 --- p.351

This Master of Fine Arts submission, consisting of a thesis titled ‘Political Grey: Areas of Ambiguity and Contradiction’ accompanied by an exhibition titled ‘Positions’, encompasses the concept of leadership while uncovering and expressing its ‘grey areas’ in a contemporary and undefined moment in South Africa. The concept of leadership has been complicated throughout the thesis in terms of how it is conceptualised in a traditional royal African art context as well as how Leader-Figures have been and are portrayed in both Western and African portrait genres. The notion that the new is built upon the old is continued throughout my thesis and is evident in the accompanying body of work. This notion is expressed on a number of levels: by the re-contextualisation of the print medium; the creative processes described as ‘postproduction’ which I use in my work; as well as that which is described as a ‘post-transitional’ moment. The recent political history of the country is considered, with reference made to the anti-apartheid movement and resistance art produced. Printmaking, viewed as an archetypal medium for resistance, is discussed, with reference made to its socio-political role during the 1980s as well as to the extent to which it continues to be used by contemporary artists in a different realm of conflict and change. This is demonstrated by the shift from the medium as a tool for protest to the medium as an instrument of political irony and pointed commentary.