This thesis investigates laryngeal processes in Chipewyan and other Athapaskan languages. Athapaskan languages provide an interesting testing ground since they exhibit a three-way laryngeal distinction in stops (voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated and glottalised), as well as a two-way distinction (voiced vs. voiceless) in fricatives. Data from a previously undocumented dialect of Chipewyan is presented to bring new evidence to bear on the cross-linguistic picture within Athapaskan. This dialect shows significant diachronic changes. Acoustic analysis reveals that several of the stops traditionally classified as voiceless unaspirated are phonetically voiced. Furthermore, the results show a front-back asymmetry in voicing. Other findings include merger of the alveolar and palatal stop series, and merger of interdental stops with interdental fricatives. The acoustic findings are used to develop a featural specification of Chipewyan consonants adapted from Rice (1994). The phonological behaviour of these stops has interesting implications for the phonetics-phonology interface. Several morphophonemic processes are examined from a cross-linguistic and comparative historical perspective to test the tenets of feature specification, privative features, constraint definition and interaction. Firstly, Pro to-Athapaskan had a two-way laryngeal contrast stem-finally (maintained, e.g., in Hupa), which has been neutralized in many daughter languages (e.g., Koyukon). Languages such as Chipewyan have undergone a process of stem-final spirantisation. These related processes of laryngeal neutralisation and spirantisation will be examined in an Optimality Theory context using constraints developed by Steriade (1997). Secondly, Athapaskan languages exhibit a phonological process of continuant voicing whereby voiceless noun stem-initial continuants become voiced with the addition of the possessive prefix. This process, displayed by previously documented dialects of Chipewyan, is analysed in an Optimality Theory framework. The research dialect of Chipewyan does not exhibit the process due to a restructuring of the morphosyntactic system of possession marking. Finally, tone and tonal processes, found in most Athapaskan languages, are the synchronic residue of Proto-Athapaskan laryngeal behaviour. Two examples of tone assimilation are discussed: Navajo, where inherent high tone spreads rightwards in verbs, and Chipewyan, where inherent high tone spreads leftwards in nouns.

This thesis investigates laryngeal processes in Chipewyan and other Athapaskan languages. Athapaskan languages provide an interesting testing ground since they exhibit a three-way laryngeal distinction in stops (voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated and glottalised), as well as a two-way distinction (voiced vs. voiceless) in fricatives. Data from a previously undocumented dialect of Chipewyan is presented to bring new evidence to bear on the cross-linguistic picture within Athapaskan. This dialect shows significant diachronic changes. Acoustic analysis reveals that several of the stops traditionally classified as voiceless unaspirated are phonetically voiced. Furthermore, the results show a front-back asymmetry in voicing. Other findings include merger of the alveolar and palatal stop series, and merger of interdental stops with interdental fricatives. The acoustic findings are used to develop a featural specification of Chipewyan consonants adapted from Rice (1994). The phonological behaviour of these stops has interesting implications for the phonetics-phonology interface. Several morphophonemic processes are examined from a cross-linguistic and comparative historical perspective to test the tenets of feature specification, privative features, constraint definition and interaction. Firstly, Pro to-Athapaskan had a two-way laryngeal contrast stem-finally (maintained, e.g., in Hupa), which has been neutralized in many daughter languages (e.g., Koyukon). Languages such as Chipewyan have undergone a process of stem-final spirantisation. These related processes of laryngeal neutralisation and spirantisation will be examined in an Optimality Theory context using constraints developed by Steriade (1997). Secondly, Athapaskan languages exhibit a phonological process of continuant voicing whereby voiceless noun stem-initial continuants become voiced with the addition of the possessive prefix. This process, displayed by previously documented dialects of Chipewyan, is analysed in an Optimality Theory framework. The research dialect of Chipewyan does not exhibit the process due to a restructuring of the morphosyntactic system of possession marking. Finally, tone and tonal processes, found in most Athapaskan languages, are the synchronic residue of Proto-Athapaskan laryngeal behaviour. Two examples of tone assimilation are discussed: Navajo, where inherent high tone spreads rightwards in verbs, and Chipewyan, where inherent high tone spreads leftwards in nouns. / Arts, Faculty of / Linguistics, Department of / Graduate

This thesis investigates the phonetic and phonological properties of laryngeal distinctions in the consonant inventory of Tahltan, a northern Athapaskan language. This thesis does not examine the phonetic properties of all Tahltan consonants. Instead, this thesis focuses on the phonetic acoustic properties of plain stop consonants, which have been described inconsistently in Tahltan, to determine their laryngeal specification. This thesis also examines the observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure to help determine the laryngeal specification of consonants in Tahltan. In addition, several morphophonemic processes are examined to determine the phonological laryngeal specification of consonants in Tahltan. Based on the phonetic findings, and observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure, I will argue that stop consonants in Tahltan exhibit four laryngeal articulations: voiced, voiceless unaspirated voiceless aspirated and glottalized. Based on the morphophonemic evidence, I will argue that fricative consonants exhibit two laryngeal articulations: voiced and voiceless. Furthermore, I will argue that glottal stop is specified for the laryngeal specification [constricted glottis] (henceforth [CG]) and that [h] is specified for the laryngeal specification [spread glottis] (henceforth [SG]).

This thesis investigates the phonetic and phonological properties of laryngeal distinctions in the consonant inventory of Tahltan, a northern Athapaskan language. This thesis does not examine the phonetic properties of all Tahltan consonants. Instead, this thesis focuses on the phonetic acoustic properties of plain stop consonants, which have been described inconsistently in Tahltan, to determine their laryngeal specification. This thesis also examines the observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure to help determine the laryngeal specification of consonants in Tahltan. In addition, several morphophonemic processes are examined to determine the phonological laryngeal specification of consonants in Tahltan. Based on the phonetic findings, and observed patterns of behavior governing syllable structure, I will argue that stop consonants in Tahltan exhibit four laryngeal articulations: voiced, voiceless unaspirated voiceless aspirated and glottalized. Based on the morphophonemic evidence, I will argue that fricative consonants exhibit two laryngeal articulations: voiced and voiceless. Furthermore, I will argue that glottal stop is specified for the laryngeal specification [constricted glottis] (henceforth [CG]) and that [h] is specified for the laryngeal specification [spread glottis] (henceforth [SG]). / Arts, Faculty of / Linguistics, Department of / Graduate