Thesis (Ph. D.)--Claremont Graduate University, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 360-377).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Los Angeles, 1995. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 290-302).

It has been asserted that androgynous individuals are both competent and flexible and that, as such, they should be most likely to be authoritative parents (highly demanding/highly responsive) (Spence & Helmreich, 1978). However, studies examining the association between psychological androgyny and this optimal parenting strategy (Baumrind, 1982; Spence & Helmreich, 1978) have reached conflicting conclusions. The position taken in this study is that there is a logical association between androgyny and authoritative parenting at the construct level, but that the component of androgyny critical to this link is functional flexibility (the ability to appropriately deploy both masculine and feminine attributes across multi-interpersonal domains) rather than the simple possession of both masculine and feminine traits per se. In view of this argument, earlier studies share a significant limitation. Their operational definitions of androgyny fail to reflect the functional flexibility aspect of the construct definition, thus allowing individuals who possess both masculine and feminine traits but who are not functionally flexible to be classified as androgynous. This study had two objectives. The first was to retest Spence and Helmreich's (1978) hypothesis that androgyny is positively related to authoritative parenting using a measure which would assess functional flexibility. The second objective was to demonstrate that authoritative parenting requires flexibility with respect to a whole range of interpersonal abilities rather than simply masculine and feminine attributes. A sample of 96 mothers with children between the ages of 7 and 12 were asked to complete a battery of questionnaires which included Bern's (1974) Sex Role Inventory (BSRI), Paulhus and Martin's (1987) Battery of Interpersonal Capabilities (BIC), and the Block (1965) Childrearing Practices Report: Q-Sort (CRPR). Contrary to what was expected, neither androgyny nor flexibility with respect to the whole range of interpersonal attributes was positively associated with authoritative parenting. Certain problems with the content of the parenting measure may have contributed to the lack of association. To minimize some of the problems with its content the method of using the parenting Q-sort was revised. The new analyses involved categorizing mothers according to warmth and demandingness--a method similar to that used in earlier studies. In these further analyses few significant differences in parenting style were found between androgynous mothers and other mothers. The most notable difference arose when the sex of the child was considered. Although, overall, androgynous mothers were not more likely to be bad parents, they were more likely than other mothers to be permissive with their sons. / Arts, Faculty of / Social Work, School of / Graduate

My dissertation examines how mid-nineteenth century Spanish American letrados in Argentina, Colombia, and Mexico –considered as exemplary case studies–, interpreted the unending violence present in their nations. They did so, I argue, by resorting to what I term “blood discourses”: overdetermined, shared, contested, and unstable textual and visual discourses, wide in connotations but mainly –not solely– coming from an inherited medical and religious tradition. These blood discourses were a direct response to a concrete reality which belied the promises of the independence process: surrounded by civil and international war, political polarization, and “caudillo” authoritarianism, letrados of varied ideological stances made use of and disputed these inherited, ready-made and ready-at-hand “blood discourses” to endow with meaning the national violence that surrounded them and establish foundational narratives. In doing so, they enacted three interconnected intellectual procedures, which I analyze distinctly, in the invigorated public sphere of the time. These three interconnected procedures or operation, in turn, were buttressed by a hemato-centric conception of rhetoric which guaranteed their efficacy: first, letrados developed “circulatory diagnoses”, assuming the role of the nation’s “physician-letrados”, a procedure which will be examined in Juan Manuel de Rosas’s Argentina; second, they engaged in what I term “work on martyrdom”, the elaboration of genealogical martyrdom narratives, as will be shown by analyzing the case of the Archbishop of Bogotá, Manuel José Mosquera; and finally, building upon the first two operations, they effected a “coagulation of memory” which enabled them, in their role as “historian-genealogists”, to construct a representation of national history based and substantiated by the shedding of blood. This last chapter will focus on the Mexican El libro rojo, a landmark work on the nation’s own representation of history. Through a heterogeneous archive of sources belonging to a wide ideological spectrum –newspapers, essays, novels, historical works, images, even monuments– my dissertation contends that these ubiquitous visual and textual discourses on violence lie at the core, as conditions of possibility, of how Spanish American letrados thought, wrote, and visualized the Nation. Additionally, by bringing together religion, political economy, and historiography, it allows blood discourses to bridge distinct realms of the period’s vast intellectual output. Lastly, by adopting an international, continental perspective, it overcomes the disproportionate presence of “national histories” showcasing instead similitudes and differences but also transferences and influences beyond national boundaries. Throughout the dissertation, the productive influence of philosophers, anthropologists, and historians – foremost among them Gil Anidjar, Reinhardt Koselleck, Adriana Cavarero, William Reddy, Hans Blumenberg, Elaine Scarry, Stephen Bann, and Thomas W. Laqueur– helped me frame my concepts and construct my own interpretative schemes. In short, by having an impact on the disciplines of Intellectual History, Religious Studies, and Nation-building, this dissertation hopes to shed new light on how the visual and textual interpretation of violence is inseparable from, and indeed made possible by, what I take to be “blood discourses” and the three intrinsically related operations they gave rise to.

How political authority and legitimacy are sustained in societies marked by socio-economic inequality and political exclusion is a long-standing preoccupation in the social sciences. Since the end of its civil war in 2002, Angola has often been cited as a paradigmatic case of such ‘illiberal peacebuilding’; of successful post-war transition to economic recovery and formal, political liberalisation, closely managed and tightly controlled by a ‘neoauthoritarian’, dominant-party regime. Based on 12 months of fieldwork in Luanda, this thesis offers an empirically and analytically innovative perspective that balances the ‘Africa rising’ narrative pervading mainstream media reports of post-war Angola, and complicates the clientelist account of Angolan politics that predominates academic literature. It does so by privileging an ethnographic approach rooted in urban life, encompassing social strata commonly studied separately. This seeks to delocalize the anthropological gaze and capture the radical social and spatial mobility of everyday life in Luanda. By working through the emic notion of the ‘system’, this thesis pays attention to both material practices and symbolic repertoires mobilised in the co-production of the political. For Angolans the ‘system’ is simultaneously a moral ordering device, a critique, and a mode d’emploi for their current political and socio-economic environment. It is characterised by multiple internal tensions: between the stasis and speed of urban life; blockages and mobility; the past and the future; ‘memory work’ and selective amnesia; and between fear and hope; and the affects and aspirations produced by ‘power’. Through detailed analysis of the practices through which people ‘work the system’, and of the political imaginaries and discursive repertoires that ‘make the system work’, the thesis looks at the myriad processes through which relationships between ‘power’ and ‘the people’ are constantly remade, renegotiated, and dialogically constructed. The analytical value of this notion of the ‘system’ is that it avoids reproducing a simplistic distinction between ‘state’ and ‘society’. By revealing the multiple linkages between these two spheres, we can think beyond ‘resistance’ and ‘complicity’, drawing out a more subtle account of hegemony, beyond the ‘cultivation of consent’ by the dominant. Examining the ‘functioning’ of ‘the system’ through the eyes of its ‘users’, the thesis therefore builds upon, and extends anthropology’s critique of dominance as something ‘produced’ by a group of select individuals, and investigates instead what it means and how it feels to live in and be part of such a polity. Its chapters explore the interweaving strands that make up this complex, mutually dependent relationship: history and the disjunctures between official and affective memories, ideas of racial and class identities, the idioms of kinship, and the practices and symbolisms of money-making. However, instead of reifying notions of ‘memory’, ‘tradition’, ‘identity’ or ‘corruption’ as analytical concepts, the thesis shows how social actors mobilise and modify these idioms in everyday interactions with ‘power’. Both in practice and in imagination, this ‘New Angola’ is constituted as essentially urban, upwardly mobile and aspirational, with rural areas left ‘behind’. Thus Luanda epitomises both a lived reality and a political project that stands for the entire country, as well as ‘laboratory of the global’, offering new insights into the politics of the everyday in dominant-party regimes in the 21st century.

It was the purpose of this study to investigate the relationship among three personality variables--self-acceptance, authoritarianism, and defensiveness; and, further, to determine what, if any, differences exist between Negro and white college students on these variables.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the authoritarian regime in Austria in the period between the two world wars. This thesis consists of three chapters. The first is the theoretical basis of this work, as I present the various concepts of authoritarian and totalitarian regime. The second chapter then follows the developments in Austria since the end of World War II until the fall of democracy. The focus of this work is the third and final chapter, which analyzes the authoritarian regime between the years 1933-1938. Based on the information provided I am giving an answer to the question what was the specific character of the Austrian regime for government of Chancellor Dollfuss and Schuschnigg, and why there was a fall of democracy in the conclusion.

M.A. (Psychology) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

En Côte d’Ivoire, les problèmes de sécurité liés à la criminalité ont été portés sur l’agenda politique pour faire l’objet de politiques publiques à partir des années 1980. En effet, la criminalité liée au banditisme qui avait commencé à se structurer au début des années 70 corrélativement à la période dite du « miracle économique », a connu un boom à la faveur de la crise économique sous les effets conjugués, d’un chômage endémique, d’une immigration et d’une croissance démographique mal maitrisées, d’une urbanisation galopante et d’un exode rural sans précédent. Depuis 1983, l’État tente de maitriser la recrudescence du phénomène criminel à travers divers programmes d’actions gouvernementales sans véritablement y parvenir. C’est donc aux raisons de la contre- performance de l’action publique dans le domaine de la sécurité intérieure qu’est dédiée cette thèse. L’hypothèse défendue ici postule que l’inefficacité des politiques de sécurité publique est imputable aux dysfonctionnements inhérents à l’organisation et au fonctionnement de l’ordre politique ivoirien. En effet, l’exercice d’un pouvoir d’État autoritaire qui privilégie la défense instrumentale de l’ordre public dans les politiques policières et pénales afin d’exercer un contrôle strict sur la compétition politique a contribué à structurer l’action publique principalement autour des motivations électoralistes au détriment des besoins sociétaux en matière de sécurité, notamment en matière de criminalité. / In Ivory Coast, the crime-related security problems were brought on the political agenda to be public policy from the 1980s because crime related to banditry that had begun to take shape in the early 70 correspondingly to the period known as the "economic miracle", boomed thanks to the economic crisis due to the combined effects of rampant unemployment, immigration and a poorly mastered population growth, of rapid urbanization and an unprecedented rural exodus. Since 1983, the state is attempting to master the resurgence of criminal phenomenon through various programs of government action without actually achieving it. So the reasons for the poor performance of public action in the field of internal security that is dedicated this thesis. The hypothesis put forward here postulates that the inefficiency of public security policies is due to malfunctions related to the organization and functioning of the Ivorian political. Indeed, the exercise of an authoritarian state power that favors instrumental defense of public order in the police and criminal justice policies to exercise strict control over political competition has helped to structure public action mainly around electoral motives at the expense of social needs security, in particular on crime.

Research Report submitted in the obtainment of a Masters in International Relations. UNIVERSITY OF THE WITWATERSRAND Johannesburg, South Africa 28 May 2015 / This research sets to understand the intricacies of modern Empire and in particular the United States of America as the central agent of neoliberal imperialism. This is done with the objective of assessing the accuracy of Empire theory as an international relations tool of analysis. Empire theory has gained rising academic attention since the early 2000s, this research sought to assess its place and use when analysing the United States as Empire. In particular, the study focused on Leo Panitch and Sam Gindin’s version of informal Empire and Empire by invitation. These notions were understood in the relations existing between the United States and its client states, Mexico and South Korea, via the medium of international financial institutions and trade agreements, namely the International Monetary Fund and the North Atlantic Free Trade Agreement. Mexico and South Korea were clearly described as neoliberal states operating within Empire. Yet, this study sought to challenge the concept and the theory of Empire by investigating these client states’ political voices. Their agenda-setting abilities were analysed within the G20 context, thanks to its rotational presidency within the forum. The researcher sought to uncover whether Mexico and South Korea had the ability to shape discussions and break away from the neoliberal discourse, and therefore Empire. The findings were of mixed results as it was established that while Mexico steps further away than South Korea from neoliberal perspectives, both client states still formulate their policies within a neoliberal framework, as the United States does not oppose or contest their agendas. While a fundamental conclusion was not reached, it was settled that Empire theory is still accurate in describing inter-capitalist state relations however it does not analytically grasp the rising opportunities existing for states, internal or external to the neoliberal context, to confront Empire.