The bishopric of Brechin has long been viewed as something of an anomaly among the dioceses of medieval Scotland. Its bishops exercised authority over churches and lands in Angus and the Mearns, yet this territory was shared with the much larger diocese of St Andrews, and to a much lesser extent those of Dunkeld and Aberdeen. This complex pattern of landholding and lordship persisted right up until the Reformation and it is a situation unparalleled elsewhere in medieval Scotland. However, although its oddness has been noted by many, scholarly engagement with this area has been limited, focussing mainly on the Céli Dé community and hereditary abbatial family associated with the church at Brechin in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. This thesis examines the bishopric of Brechin in the context of wider church organisation in Angus and the Mearns in the central Middle Ages, seeking to find explanations for its seemingly unique development. The problem is approached from a number of different perspectives: by considering the context of secular lordship in Angus and the Mearns; by examining the parishes and churches which made up the bishopric of Brechin; by exploring saintly commemorations and church dedications, not only in the diocese of Brechin, but throughout Angus and the Mearns; and finally by carrying out a case-study of one of Brechin’s most important churches, that of the burgh of Montrose. This multi-faceted approach demonstrates that the bishopric of Brechin had strong links with the secular lordship of Brechin, the wider holdings of Earl David of Huntingdon in Angus and the Mearns, and indeed with kings of Scots. It also highlights connections between diocesan organisation and a particular devotion to the Virgin Mary, a veneration present in Brechin from the early Middle Ages. In addition to this, a picture emerges of the nearby church of Montrose having been an important ecclesiastical focus to rival Brechin.

The focus of this dissertation is the county of Cheshire during the momentous religious changes of the sixteenth century. It aims to show that it is unrealistic to expect a monolithic reaction to such change: as in any county a combination of factors came together resulting in a variety of responses. It also seeks to discredit a number of myths which continue to proliferate about local people and events of this time. The prominence given by both contemporaries and subsequent scholars to Catholic survivalism in the neighbouring county of Lancashire has tended to overshadow the position in Cheshire; indeed some studies have conflated the two. A central aim of this dissertation has been to demonstrate that the two counties responded differently, and to seek to explain why this might have been. A chronological approach has been adopted because it was felt that this would afford a cohesive structure. Within each time period certain continuities and recurring themes will become apparent, however. This is, in part, a function of the sources used, since many of these records derive from institutions or practices which continued fundamentally unaffected throughout the period. This was markedly also a time of radical change, and the abolition of some existing institutions and the introduction of new procedures produced new types of records which demonstrate the local impact of some of those changes. The focus of much Reformation scholarship has now moved away from regional studies towards a more thematic approach, representing one strand of post revisionism. One outcome of the local study in this dissertation has been to demonstrate how new regional studies can contribute to a variety of debates by offering fresh insights and conclusions from a re-consideration of familiar evidence and an examination of evidence which may not be widely known.

This thesis seeks to explore the various worlds of early modern spirituality through the lens of one important and influential figure, Arthur Hildersham. Using diocesan, parish, and national records, and a close study of Hildersham’s printed works, it traces the story of one strand of England’s parallel Reformations. Hildersham’s long association with the parish of Ashby-de-la-Zouch provides the opportunity to examine the progress of the puritan Reformation in a particular locality over an extended period. His role as a godly pastor, and the message he delivered to his people, are considered. The thesis attempts to show that the effect of puritanism within a parish community was not necessarily divisive or unpopular, particularly when it was promulgated for many years and supported by a godly patron. Hildersham’s participation in networks of godly sociability and movements for further reformation illustrate how powerful and wide-reaching such associations could be. As an archetype of ‘Jacobethan’ nonseparating nonconformity, Hildersham’s career supplies a focus for looking at shifting configurations of conformity and orthodoxy. His ambivalent relationship with the ecclesiastical establishment, it is argued, demonstrates that even the most principled nonconformists had more agency than is sometimes allowed. How Hildersham was able to maintain a position of influence despite his frequent suspensions is examined. Recent studies of puritan culture have challenged a familiar radical/moderate paradigm, and this thesis supports the argument that the boundaries between mainstream puritans like Hildersham and those on the radical fringes were, in practice, blurred. However, it rejects the conclusion that all puritanism was intrinsically radical and that its adherents were incipient heretics. Hildersham’s legacy allows us to explore how a later age fashioned and used the memory of the past. It is hoped that this study will contribute to our understanding of the multi-layered experience of post-Reformation English religion.

The core theme of this thesis explores the evolving position of religion in the British public realm in the 1980s. Recent scholarship on modern religious history has sought to relocate Britain's "secularization moment" from the industrialization of the nineteenth century to the social and cultural upheavals of the 1960s. My thesis seeks to add to this debate by examining the way in which the established Church and Christian doctrine continued to play a central role in the politics of the 1980s. More specifically it analyses the conflict between the Conservative party and the once labelled "Tory party at Prayer", the Church of England. Both Church and state during this period were at loggerheads, projecting contrasting visions of the Christian underpinnings of the nation's political values. The first part of this thesis addresses the established Church. It begins with an examination of how the Church defined its role as the "conscience of the nation" in a period of national fragmentation and political polarization. It then goes onto explore how the Anglican leadership, Church activists and associated pressure groups together subjected Thatcherite neo-liberal economics to moral scrutiny and upheld social democratic values as the essence of Christian doctrine. The next chapter analyses how the Church conceptualized Christian citizenship and the problems it encountered when it disseminated this message to its parishioners. The second half of this study focuses on the contribution of Christian thought to the New Right. Firstly, it explores the parallels between political and religious conservatism in this period and the widespread disaffection with liberal Anglicanism, revealing how Parliament became one of the central platforms for the traditionalist Anglican cause. Secondly, it demonstrates how those on the right argued for the Christian basis of economic liberalism and of the moral superiority of capitalism over socialism. The next chapter focuses on the public doctrine of Margaret Thatcher, detailing how she drew upon Christian doctrine, language and imagery to help shape and legitimise her political vision and reinforce her authority as leader. Finally, the epilogue traces the why this Christian-centric dialogue between the Church and Conservative government eventually dissipated and was superseded by a much more fundamental issue in the 1990s as both the ruling elite and the Church were forced to recognise the religious diversity within British society.

This thesis begins with a review of primary and secondary sources followed by an examination of theological and theoretical issues. The 1859 movement is then contextualized with an analysis of the politico-economic, social and ecclesiastical-spiritual situation/environment in which it occurred: in effect this tests the theories about the circumstances/conditions commonly held to precede and be conducive to the commencement of revivals. Perceptions of the revival are then presented with a consideration of stimuli, transmission, geographical coverage and duration, together with denominational opinions, popular responses, concerns, criticisms and evaluations. Research then focuses on the city of Glasgow, supposedly one of the localities most impacted upon. Confining the study to a restricted and well-defined geographical area applies a methodology unique to the subject. This approach permits a meticulous search of sources which have hitherto received only cursory attention. It also facilitates the introduction and utilization of unknown local sources, or sources not before considered relevant. These include local newspapers, kirk session and presbytery proceedings, police and prison reports, and the diaries, autobiographies, correspondence etc. of local people. An innovative approach to in-depth investigation of the impact and effects of revival at a local level is thus introduced. The adoption of this method results in the production of a highly detailed local chronology which provides for a much greater understanding of the operation of the movement in the city. It pinpoints more precisely the districts affected, identifies duration and different phases within it, and highlights the adoption by local revivalists of new tactics. A method of evaluating the impact of revival at a local level is then suggested, one made possible by the methodology initially adopted, namely a comparative analysis based on contextualization.

This thesis embodies the first systematic historical research of Black gospel music as a tradition in Britain, calling attention to the serious gap in knowledge so far concerning its growth amongst African Caribbean Pentecostals in Britain. Although it maintains that an underlying theme is the significance of Africa as the original birthplace of African descendants in Britain, the Caribbean and America; it opposes a one-size-fits-all universal historical account of Black gospel music, suggesting that historical knowledge so far is based on historical interpretations of the development of religious music amongst African ancestors in America. It makes the claim that African Caribbean Pentecostalism, in particular its worship practices, nurtured the musical talent of the youth in its congregations who were destined to advance Black gospel music as a tradition in Britain. Using first-hand accounts of African Caribbean Pentecostals of the post-war years in Britain, it identifies three main sources as retainers of “historical facts” representative of objects of the past that can help towards a new approach to history and heritage.

This thesis analyses how martyrs’ blood was constructed in sixteenth-century English martyrological writings, confessional apologetics and polemics, c. 1520-c. 1625. It uses the topic of martyrs’ blood as a lens onto wider confessional constructions of both martyrdom and confessional theologies. It argues that, despite superficial similarities, Protestants and Catholics constructed martyrs’ blood in very different ways, and that this calls into question recent scholarly trends towards seeing the confessions as having a common conception of martyrdom. Chapter One surveys the treatment of blood and martyrdom from the Bible to the medieval West, demonstrating the main threads on which early-modern constructions of martyrdom drew. Chapter Two discusses Henrician Protestant constructions of martyrs’ blood. Chapter Three focuses on John Foxe’s Acts and Monuments. Chapter Four examines the relatively unbloody rhetoric of English Catholic discussions of martyrdom, from the 1520s to 1570s. Chapter Five looks at the emergence of a rich rhetoric of martyrs’ blood in English Catholic writings from the 1580s to the 1620s. Authors examined include William Tyndale, John Bale, John Foxe, Thomas More, Reginald Pole, Robert Persons and William Allen. The thesis focuses particularly on five key elements relating to the texts’ treatment of martyrs’ blood: Eucharistic theology; materiality; temporal worldview; bloody enemies; martyrs’ blood as witness.

This thesis considers how religious identities were constructed and expressed in Reformation England by focussing on two London livery companies: the Grocers and the Drapers. Livery companies had strong religious elements to their corporate identity; they had their origins in parish fraternities, maintained clergy and celebrated the feast of their patron saint. Whilst merchants have long been characterised as zealous early Protestants, existing research has simultaneously contended that the companies to which they belonged, and civic institutions more generally, adapted to the Reformation by secularizing their activities and ethos in order to retain stability – a notion that this thesis rejects. An examination of company records reveals that the rhetoric of Christianity, particularly appeals to peace, charity and brotherly love, punctuated the language of corporate governance throughout the century, and played a central role in the ability of the liveries to retain both a vibrant spiritual culture and fraternal stability. London's merchant elite were also London's civic governors and in their capacity as churchwardens and hospital officers we see that here too the language of peace and charity aced as a unifying and moderating force. Individual mercantile religious identities are also considered. By examining nearly 400 wills, a cache of almost 1000 letters and other trading records, it is clear that merchants can no longer be characterised as being unusually susceptible to Protestantism, and that their responses to the Reformation were more diverse than has been recognised. Until at least the late sixteenth century, the religious identities of London's citizens represent growing religious plurality rather than stark confessional polarisation. Moreover, ties of company membership, friendship and kinship had the power to transcend religious difference. Nor were 'zealous' and 'moderate' mutually exclusive traits. Those with a strong faith could moderate their behaviour in certain contexts, and such restraint could be as pious as it was pragmatic.

This study investigates a range of ways in which the late medieval monastery of Iona interacted with the region of Argyll and the Isles: as the owner of churches and lands; as the centre of major saints’ cults; and as the focus of a school of sculpture. A major part of the research is a detailed examination of the local context of each of these links with Iona. The research project focuses on the monastery of Iona in the period c1203-c1575. These dates have been chosen specifically because they encompass virtually the entire period of occupation by the Benedictine monks, and because they apply to the most comprehensive surviving documents that relate to Iona and its landholdings. At the time of the introduction of the Benedictines to Iona, papal protection was sought, and a papal bull of December 1203 records Iona’s holdings at this period. Many of these holdings remained in Iona’s possession until the Reformation, soon after which time a rental was drawn up listing the abbot’s temporal and spiritual wealth, along with that of the bishop of the Isles, who was by this time also commendator of Iona abbey. These documents serve comprehensively to illustrate the fortunes of the monastery over the later Middle Ages. Iona’s acquisitions of lands and churches, and what subsequently became of these possessions, took place in the wider context of the changing political scene. For this reason, the political and social links between Iona, the Lordship of the Isles and other powerful local kindreds, such as the Mackinnons, MacLeans and Campbells, are explored. Iona’s relations with other religious houses in Argyll is also considered, particularly in relation to the potential transfer of lands between monastic houses. The monastery’s fortunes varied over the course of its existence, depending largely on who held the position of abbot, and on the relationships with powerful local magnates, as well as with other ecclesiastical bodies. It held estates and churches over a wide area, and although it gained many possessions, some were also lost to other houses, and to secular powers. There are many other churches and lands within Iona’s sphere of influence, but the nature of the evidence precludes drawing any firm conclusions about how many, if any, of them, were founded or owned by the monastery. Regarding Iona’s role as a centre of the cults of saints Columba and Adamnán, the local preponderance of churches dedicated to these and other saints important to Iona is considered in an effort to try to establish how widespread they are, and the longevity of these dedications. Looking also at Iona’s lands and the dedications of their churches, an attempt is made to discern any patterns; for example, to whom are the churches on Iona’s lands dedicated, and when? If churches on lands gifted to Iona had an existing dedication, is this likely to have been changed? Iona’s wider ecclesiastical associations are also discussed: the monastery held an ambivalent relationship with the papacy, and was considered to be under Rome’s protection, but often failed to pay its dues to the Curia, pleading poverty and the expense of having to travel such a long distance ‘from the ends of the habitable earth’. Due to the fragmentary nature of the existing documentary record, an interdisciplinary approach has been taken, involving the integration of evidence from historical sources, archaeology and place-names. One of the main fruits of the research has been the production of a gazetteer of Iona’s lands and churches held throughout the later Middle Ages. It is hoped that this may prove a useful tool in further research. Janet MacDonald Departments of Celtic and History University of Glasgow

one of the most enduring assessments of the reformation has been the view that Protestantism and its worship shunned sensory experience in religion. As a result Protestant religion has been seen as fundamentally 'asensual', void of the images, relics, incense, vestments and fabric of late medieval religiosity. This appraisal has been most commonly applied to Protestant liturgy and worship. This was in contrast to pre-reformation worship which contained numerous objects and gestures making it highly sensualized. in late medieval liturgy this sensuality was the locus of spiritual action, allowing the distribution of sacred power or grace to believers in varying degrees through objects and actions. This evaluation is simplistic. In considering contemporary notions of sensation, sensory physiology and liturgical reform, a much more complex picture of the reformation in Tudor England emerges. Both Protestants and their conservative opponents shared the same basic understanding of how the senses worked physiologically. The senses were transformative powers that integrated perceivers with the world around them, literally bringing experience into the very being of the beholder. As such, they required proper governance to avoid evil objects, which caused sin and sickness, and to focus their attention on good and true objects. None were more potent than the rites of the late medieval church. Here divinity was internalized and integrated into believers through the senses. The senses, though, had their limits, and it was agreed that they were not suitable to determining beliefs or aspects of faith. As is well known, however, the reformation saw key disjunctures and clashes over the very nature of the doctrines and modes of salvation which defined these parameters. Inevitably, this resulted in a shift in how sensation functioned within religious contexts, namely liturgical life. on both sides of the religious divide the fear was that the senses would take control on their own, driving believers towards sin and concupiscence in an unfettered experience of the material world. Protestants saw this manifested in traditional piety, which was false and constructed, making the sensuality of late medieval religion highly detrimental. Conservatives, however, saw the empirical use of scripture by Protestants and the touting of scriptural authority as an improper use of the senses to determine faith. Each regarded the other as sensual. Protestants, despite their castigation of traditional piety, continued in many respects to employ its modes of interaction when encountering scripture. it took much of the sixteenth century to come to the realization that such a position was incongruous with reformed justification. The result for English notions of sensation was immense, as it became glaringly evident that Protestant doctrine and traditional sensory physiology could not exist side by side. The end of the Tudor era therefore coincided with the advent of a new era of sensing, in which the greatest revolution was that religious sensing was potentially benign to the perceiver; not saving, but not damning either.