The question this study has asked is, How does the psalmist craft the images of his enemies in the terms of law? In the process of answering, I address three major theses. The first thesis revolves around the observation that the lamenting psalmist tends to follow up his descriptions of the enemies’ wrongs with specific punishments. As this study argues, the psalmist’s muse for that wrong/punishment exchange is his own legal culture. The second thesis is that the psalmist’s calls for violent punishments of his enemies reflect legal norms in his external reality. This is proposed in direct response to the persistent scholarly assumption that the punishments invoked in these psalms are internally born of the psalmists’ fantasies, as well as being confined to that realm. I argue that the psalmist not only draws on legal-cultural punishment norms but in fact depends on their normative status in order to convey to his readers the nature of his enemies’ crimes. The third thesis is that the external reality in question is the ancient Near Eastern legal milieu of which biblical law is a part. Chapter Three shows how the psalmist’s use of talionic language with reference to his enemies happens only when their behaviour is consistent with crimes punished in the “like for like” pattern elsewhere throughout ancient Near Eastern legal history. Chapter Four demonstrates that the psalmist’s description of his enemies as slanderers and as “those who reproach” is framed in a legal-cultural understanding of shame as a sanctioned — and necessary — form of punishment for these crimes. After establishing the primacy of orality in contract procedure, Chapter Five shows how the psalmist’s mouth-focussed punishments assume the nature of contract-making and breaking in ancient Near Eastern law. Underlying these three theses is a theoretical critique of approaches to law in the psalms thus far, which have consistently assumed a definition of law that coheres with a contemporary Western understanding of law but diverges from that of the psalmist. I propose (in Chapter Two) that a definition of law guided by functional criteria, technical meaning, and the observation of norms, is the most fitting for an encounter with the psalmist’s own legal understanding. Taking this approach then allows this study to present the lamenting psalmist as a participant in a legal culture that extends far beyond the confines of the Pentateuch.

New Testament catena manuscripts contain both the biblical text and a form of commentary which is a compilation of extracts from the Church Fathers. The oldest and most important catena on the Pauline Epistles is the Pseudo-Oecumenian catena. The fullest previous study of this, by Karl Staab in 1926, grouped manuscripts of this catena into five types. The present study examines a wider range of manuscripts than Staab in order to reach a new understanding of the Pseudo-Oecumenian tradition. Subgroupings within the main types, and connections between exemplars and copies, are identified using palaeography and both classical and digital philology. The first-ever critical edition of a secondary type of Pseudo-Oecumenian catena on Galatians is presented, along with two previously-unknown extracts which could be part of the Scholia Photiana. Most significantly, the thesis shows that by removing two later sets of additions, the Scholia Photiana and the Corpus Extravagantium, a single original form of the catena on can be established. Supplemented with the first stage of the Corpus Extravagantium and dating from the eighth century onwards, this form also underlies the Typus Vaticanus catena, and is preserved in two surviving manuscripts (GA 075 and GA 1980).

Accounts of miracles are found in the four Gospels, elsewhere in the New and Old Testaments, and at other times down to the present. Responses to the figure of Jesus among his Gospel miracles differ with the different judgements that are made about the possibility of there being miracles at all. As a matter of fact, our tradition of inquiry contains diverging, even opposing conclusions on this point, and this has a definite impact on the study of the Gospels and their central character. This thesis constitutes a comprehensive response to the issue of miracle as it affects the interpretation of the Gospels, and hence, what we are able to believe about Jesus and the extent of his miraculous activity. Having outlined the divided response to miracle (Chapter One), the thesis is built up by studies of six principal respondents to the issue of miracle. On the one hand, we have chosen St. Thomas Aquinas, Cardinal Newman and C. S. Lewis to represent the 'maximal' depiction of belief in miracle. These three studies exhibit the interpretations of the Gospels that accompany, and in part depend on, the non-problematical acceptance of miracle. On the other hand, we have chosen David Hume, D. F. Strauss and Rudolf Bultmann to represent the 'minimalistic' position on miracle. While Hume does not formally discuss the Gospel miracles, his conclusions are plainly relevant, and in the two latter studies, close attention is paid to the actual interpretation of Gospel miracle stories. In all the studies, wherever possible, I have tried to concentrate on what in particular they believed about Jesus in his miracles. In effect, this has meant pursuing a miracle-structure from conception through to Ascension. In discovering what has been believed about Jesus in his miracles, we have often placed the emphasis on the interpreters' response to a Gospel or Gospel passage. In the concluding chapter, I direct my own attention to St. Mark's Gospel and, in the light of earlier chapters, put my own questions to it. While interesting results emerge from the studies of the six interpreters, my principal conclusion is that there are good reasons not to identify the Jesus of the Gospel miracles with Jesus in his pragmatic existence. While it remains coherent to develop an apology or world-view in which literal miracles on the greatest scale have a place in nature and history, it is their very magnitude that raises the decisive objections to locating them as events in Jesus' mundane existence, prior to the Resurrection.

The seminal question at the forefront of Masoretic (MT)-150 Psalter research is a question of the literary arrangement of the 150 psalms. An overarching compositional logic of the MT-150, if any, is in the sequence design of the psalms. Unfortunately, macrostructural studies of the entire Psalter are few, with no major consensus to understanding its structuring techniques, shape and logic. From my consolidation of at least 30 different tacit and formal macrostructuring techniques that can be detected in the MT-150, important macrostructuring techniques include the use of superscriptions; the programmatic nature of Pss 1–2; placement of acrostic/alphabetical compositions; numerical devices and the five Davidic Collections. A previously unknown scribal technique that places certain lexemes sequentially and exhaustively across the Psalter to express a message is also uncovered. Based on these organizational principles, the Psalter can be read palindromically, linearly, intertextually and even numerically. The MT-150 is structured into three major Sections (Books I, II–III, IV–V), each further divided into four Groups, and characterized by four recurring Central Motifs: (a) YHWH’s kingship; (b) Davidic kingship; (c) Zion-temple and (d) Supplication of a Davidic figure. The logic of the MT-150 is a reception of the Davidic covenant. Book I traces the establishments of both the Davidic kingship and Zion. Books II–III, however, depict their fall and brokenness. Books IV–V highlight the re-establishments of an ideal Davidic kingship and ideal Zion. As a whole, the MT-150 has a messianic thrust with an exhortation for its readers to persevere in prayer and hope in view of YHWH’s covenantal promises. Striking correspondences between techniques, form, content and logic help to validate the proposed design of the MT-150. This thesis will contribute significantly to the understanding of the arrangement of the Hebrew Psalter.

In the first chapter of this work, I provide an introduction to the current discussion of scribal habits. In Chapter Two, I discuss Abschriften-or manuscripts with extant known exemplars-, their history in textual criticism, and how they can be used to elucidate the discussion of scribal habits. I also present a methodology for determining if a manuscript is an Abschrift. In Chapter Three, I analyze P127, which is not an Abschrift, in order that we may become familiar with determining scribal habits by singular readings. Chapters Four through Six present the scribal habits of selected proposed manuscript pairs: 0319 and 0320 as direct copies of 06 (with their Latin counterparts VL 76 and VL83 as direct copies of VL 75), 205 as a direct copy of 2886, and 821 as a direct copy of 0141. I discuss in Chapter Four the need to better understand the scribal habits of manuscripts written by scribes who wrote in their non-native language. Additionally, I conclude that 205 and 2886 are, in fact, not copies of one another. In the conclusion, I argue that there is no common scribal habit shared by all scribes except that this study has not found a scribe who adds more words than they lose. Additionally, textual critics should place greater emphasis on the roles played by patrons and readers of the text rather than on scribes alone.

The present study investigates the characteristics and function of Scripture in 1 Maccabees. It argues that the author of 1 Maccabees locates the history of the Hasmonean revolt within the continuing history of Israel in accordance with the Deuteronomic covenantal concept, portraying the Hasmoneans as salvific figures comparable to Jewish ancestral heroes in Scripture, thereby legitimising the pre-monarchical Hasmonean institution in the late period of the reign of John Hyrcanus I. After discussing scholarly literature on the use and function of Scripture in 1Maccabees in Chapter 1, Chapter 2 discusses various literary, political and cultural aspects: 1) I identify the iimplications of the loss of the original Hebrew text of 1 Maccabees, defining some limitations for morphological analysis; 2) I demonstrate that most books of the present canon of the Hebrew Bible can be identified as available sources to the author; 3) The date of the composition is identified as the later reign of John Hyrcanus I; 4) I further discuss the extent of Hellenistic influence in 1 Maccabees, concluding that 1 Maccabees demonstrates Jewish tradition to a large extent; 5) Finally, I discuss the Jewish perception of the past in antiquity, arguing that Jews had a special interest in preserving their ancestral past in comprehensive and unitary ways without easily manipulating it. Chapters 3 and 4 provide an analysis of philological and conceptual parallels between Scripture and 1 Maccabees, with the conclusion that the use of Scripture mainly functions to provide the intellectual tool for seeing the Hasmonean rule as a further re-enactment of the scriptural precedents of Israel’s restoration and triumph over their enemy and fulfilment of prophecies. Chapter 5 analyses use of Scripture in the eulogies of the Hasmoneans, reaching the same conclusion as the preceding two chapters. In contrast to the scholarly view that 1 Maccabees is Hasmonean propaganda with a politically intended manipulation of Jewish tradition, the present study suggests it as an attestation to traditional Jewish values without radical departure from them.

This study investigates how Paul’s attitude towards future bodily resurrection functions in relation to his expectations for believers’ use of their bodies in the present, both as individuals and as a community. I argue that embodiment is essential to Paul’s anthropology, and that Paul understands future bodily resurrection primarily in social terms. Drawing on insights from the social sciences and rhetorical studies, I also argue that future bodily resurrection functions in the letters under consideration as a future possible social identity that contributes to Paul’s persuasive strategies with regard to his expectations for believers’ behavior. In general, it will become clear that Paul expects his recipients to use their bodies in ways that stand in continuity with the resurrection-oriented future social identity. After an introductory chapter orienting the reader to questions, method, and relevant scholarly discussion, chapter 2 sheds light on the social dynamics of Paul’s attitude toward future bodily resurrection in general and the function of the resurrection-oriented future identity in particular through a close reading of 1 Cor 15:12–58; 6:12–20; and 2 Cor 4:7–5:10. Chapter 3 offers a detailed analysis of the relationship between resurrection and practice in Rom 6:1–23 and 8:9–25 to argue that Paul’s understanding of that relationship provides a framework for understanding table fellowship as bodily practice in Rom 14 and 15. Chapter 4 takes up Phil 3:12–4:1 and argues that Paul’s language of resurrection fosters a common ingroup identity that serves the letter’s double goal of mitigating faction and strengthening the recipients to persevere in the face of persecution. A final chapter synthesizes the overall findings of the research.

In 2009, Robert Crumb produced a singular work, The Book of Genesis, Illustrated by R. Crumb, which purports to be a faithful, graphical interpretation of the book of Genesis from the Hebrew Bible. Among other sources, Crumb states that he used Robert Alter’s translation and commentary on Genesis to inform his work, along with the King James Version (KJV), the Jewish Publication Society Version (JPS) and Sarah the Priestess: The First Matriarch of Genesis by Savina J. Teubal; from those, he produced his own interpretation together with annotations to explain his interpretive decisions. Remediating ancient, biblical text into modern, graphical comic books affects the reception of the text in a myriad of ways. The aim of this thesis is firstly to investigate how Crumb’s use of comics tools and resources impact his remediation of Genesis, by discussing his visual and textual decisions. This wider question is focused into three case studies, which are each based in the narratives of the matriarchs of Genesis and the theme of motherhood. The second aim of this thesis is to discuss the presentation of the matriarchs in Genesis, Illustrated as pro-feminist, strong, dominant characters within the narrative. This is a characterisation which subverts traditional readings of the women of Genesis, as well as expectations of Crumb as an author. Accusations of misogyny and sexism have followed Crumb throughout his career, which are challenged when the reader is presented with his pro-feminist matriarchal remediation of the biblical text. By presenting a focused analysis of the theme of motherhood within Genesis, Illustrated, wider issues concerning popular-cultural remediations of the Bible in general begin to surface, including matters concerning reception in biblical comics, the space between art and literature inhabited by biblical comics, and issues of translation and interpretation within contemporary remediations. Genesis, Illustrated shows the importance of graphical remediations in exploring the boundary crossings between ancient script and modern, popular culture, regenerating and re-presenting the text for the modern reader.

This thesis establishes the influence of the Jewish wisdom tradition on the shaping of the earliest christology. A concept which invests Jesus with Wisdom’s function as ‘Schöpfungsmittler’ appears already in the earliest Christian sources (1Cor 8:6; Col 1:15; Hebr 1:3; John 1:1-3), and the early patristic writers characterised the relationship between the heavenly Christ and God the Father by identifying Jesus with the pre-existent personified Wisdom of Prov 8. The object of the thesis is to explore a parallel movement, which already takes place during the formation of the gospel traditions, and which ascribes functions of the divine Wisdom, most prominently her active participation in Israel’s history, to the earthly Jesus. Especially the Q-saying often called the “Lament over Jerusalem” (or Jerusalem Word) in Luke 13:34-35 and Matt 23:37-39, summarises Jesus’ earthly ministry in terms that remind of Wisdom’s function in the Jewish tradition. I demonstrate that Wisdom had come to be seen as an agent in Israel’s history in Second Temple Judaism, and each of the four elements of the Jerusalem Word, which describe Jesus’ mission (1. sending prophets and envoys; 2. gathering the children of Jerusalem; 3. representing God’s presence in the temple and withdrawing when he is rejected; and 4. returning with, or as, the eschatological Son of Man), presents an action, which had formerly been ascribed to personified Wisdom. One important feature of the divine Wisdom, which allows her to act in the above mentioned functions that impact on historical reality, is her relationship to God: Wisdom can be nearly identified with God, but takes on features of a separate agent when she becomes manifest in the immanence. Therefore, Wisdom is a representation of God in the historical world, and as Jesus takes on the same role, he appears as a new manifestation of this very same representative. I also demonstrate that the Jewish texts relate Wisdom to another representation of God, the Angel of the Lord, famously encountered as the pillar of cloud and fire on Israel’s wilderness wanderings, acting as a manifestation and servant of God at the same time. Wisdom is associated or identified with the pillar of cloud in Sir 24:4, 10 and Wis 10:17. Thus, the role of the previously known mediator, the Angel of the Lord, is transferred to the divine Wisdom, portraying Wisdom as a new appearance of this ‘older’ divine representative. Matt 23:37-39 par. Luke 13:34-35 continues the tradition of actualising the image of the divine mediator by presenting Jesus in an analogous way as the contemporary representative of God in the world like Wisdom or the Angel of the Lord.

Within the wider framework of contemporary debates on primitive NT Christology concerning the early Christians’ perception of the divinity of Jesus, this work investigates the influence of Hebrew Divine Warrior Traditions (HDWT) on the Markan sea-miracles (Mark 4.35-41; 6.45-52) and exorcisms (Mark 1.21-28; 5.1-20; 7.24-30; 9.14-29). In a final form, narrative approach to the Markan text, this study seeks to demonstrate that as part of his “high” Christology, Mark draws on the HDWT in such a way as to liken Jesus to God the Divine Warrior in “Old Testament” and Second Temple Jewish texts. The present work argues that in the sea-miracles and exorcisms, Mark transfers divine attributes and operations to Jesus, claiming some form of divine identity for Jesus. The findings of this study are then considered in terms of their implications for Mark’s Christology, and located in relation to the work of leading scholars on primitive Christology in general.