V. V. Petkevičius. JAV ir Kinijos ekonominių dvišalių santykių analizė 2004 – 2014 m. / Tarptautinės politikos ir ekonomikos magistro baigiamasis darbas. Vadovas prof. dr. Egidijus Motieka. – Vilnius: Mykolo Romerio universitetas, Politikos ir vadybos fakultetas, Politikos mokslų institutas, 2014. Jungtinių Amerikos Valstijų ir Kinijos santykiai pastaruoju metu, viešajame diskurse, tampa vis dažnesne diskusijų tema. Auganti Kinijos galia ir JAV ekonominės problemos bei pirmieji silpstančios galios požymiai šias diskusijas paskatina dar labiau. Būtent santykių tarp šių valstybių vystymąsis yra viena aktualiausių temų daugumai pasaulio valstybių. Galiausiai kodėl silpstant Vakarams bent jau kol kas nesimato tiesioginės konfrontacijos su Kinija? O taip pat, kaip elgsis JAV augančios Kinijos galios atžvilgiu? Kol kas šie klausimai išlieka neatsakyti, tačiau atsakymai į šiuos klausimus gali būti rasti JAV ir Kinijos dvišaliuose ekonominiuose santykiuose. Pagrindinis darbo objektas – 2004 – 2014 m. JAV ir Kinijos ekonominių dvišalių santykių tendencijos. Darbe analizuojant JAV ir Kinijos tarpusavio užsienio prekybos srautus, o taip pat abipuses tiesiogines investicijas bandoma išsiaiškinti galimas priežastis, kurios lemia dabartinius ganėtinai šiltus minėtųjų valstybių santykius. Taip pat analizuojant galimus politinius pokyčius abiejose valstybėse bandoma identifikuoti galimas šių pokyčių įtakas ilgalaikiams dvišaliams JAV ir Kinijos santykiams. Darbo tikslui pasiekti buvo... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / V. V. Petkevičius. Analysis of the United States and China bilateral economic relationship 2004 – 2014 / Master’s thesis in International Politics and Economics. Supervisor prof. dr. Egidijus Motieka. – Vilnius: Faculty of Politics and Managment, Institute of Political Science, Mykolas Romeris University, 2014. The relationship between the United States and China in these days are one of the most popular topics in public discourse. The rise of China’s power and economic problems and first weakness signs of the United States are promoting these discussions even more. The relationship between these two main world economies are very important to other countries. Naturally there are some questions like: why there is no direct confrontation between the United States and China if they are competing in the global political arena or how will the United States react in the meaning of rising China? For now these questions are unanswered, but the answer might be in the bilateral economic relationship between these two countries. Main thesis object is tendencies in the United States and China bilateral economic relationship in the period of 2004 – 2014. By analyzing the amounts of the United States and China bilateral trade and foreign direct investments, author tries to find potential reasons why these two countries are not confronting each other. Also by analyzing potential political changes in these countries, author is trying do identify the main outcomes and potential influence... [to full text]

In 2016 the Colombian Government signed an historic peace deal with the main guerrilla group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP) after decades of armed conflict. In the same year Canada pledged $57.4M in development funding to help Colombia recover in the post-peace deal era. Since 2016 the Peace and Stabilisation Operations Program (PSOPs) alone has invested $35.3M in the country. With the launch of Canada's Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP) in 2017, many of these initiatives unfolded in a new policy context and were characterised by commitments to make gender equality a priority. This study looks at the intersection of Canadian aid, transitional justice, and gender in Colombia through a feminist-institutionalist lens. It aims to assess the impact of Canadian-funded projects from these areas along a spectrum that varies from 'gendered transitional justice' to 'transformative transitional justice'. The thesis concludes that the impact of Canadian assistance is found in the in-between area of 'gendered transitional justice' and 'transformative transitional justice', characterized by some progress away from the status quo of 'gendered transitional justice', but without hitting the transformative mark. Through a feminist institutionalist lens, we argue that it is the complex socio-political landscape of Colombia overlaying the agency of Canada's implementing partners, their Southern counterparts and the agency of the donor, and the sum of these interactions that both enable and limit the full transformative capacity of the intervention and situate its impact somewhere in the middle.