viii, 64 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / Since assuming office in January 2006, Bolivian President Evo Morales has been hailed as a populist by media and academic sources alike. Yet, scholarly theories have indicated that populism is unviable in office. This thesis will utilize a case study of Morales' presidency to test hypotheses of populist routinization. After establishing a working definition of populism, it will compare a baseline sample of Morales' prepresidency discourse to a second sample taken after his transition to power to determine whether the "essence" of populism has indeed been compromised. Ultimately, this thesis argues that theories of routinization are incorrect: although the characteristics of Morales' populism change after assuming the presidency, his appeals to and identification with common sense and ordinary values actually grow stronger in office. / Committee in Charge: Craig Parsons, Chair; Anna P. Gruben; Cas Mudde; Derrick L. Hindery

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"Inclusion" in the broad sense of access to, and participation in, public policy and services has been lacking in the majority of developing countries---whether authoritarian or democratic---due to highly skewed political, social and economic power structures. To understand why this tends to be the case, the dissertation provides a political economy model for understanding civil society, arguing that the evolution of civil society and its potential as a vehicle for inclusion are conditioned by the economic imperatives in place and the state prerogatives. More specifically, I question the extent to which the neoliberal model allows civil society to fulfill this role, by examining the impact of Social Funds (SFs), a key social policy institution created and promoted solely under the neoliberal model, on civil society in Egypt and Bolivia. / I argue that neoliberalism severely limits the possibility of: citizenship construction, achieving development synergy between the state and civil society, or strengthening the latter. These limitations are structural, inherent to the neoliberal development model and the changes it has brought about economically and politically. The research shows how these changes have manifestations within the state, the economy and civil society and more specifically social policy. Just as important, there are limitations intrinsically grounded in the structures found in many developing countries, pre-neoliberal changes. Such structures, I argue, do not allow new institutions like SFs to push forward such an ideal three-way relationship among the economy, state and civil society. Rather than strengthening civil society and creating development synergy, SFs are shown to be just an attempt to give neoliberal policies a human face and subdue any potential for structural changes. / More generally, by contrasting the dynamics of civil society under neoliberalism in a developing country with a democratic regime (Bolivia) with those of a soft authoritarian regime (Egypt). I argue that a dichotomous framework, which sees democracy as antithetically opposed to authoritarianism is not necessarily appropriate to the analysis of developing countries. The cases illustrate that the state and civil society, under two-different regime types, continue to share a number of similarities.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T06:11:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Hage_JoseAlexandreAltahyde_D.pdf: 7445204 bytes, checksum: 94812291a030bdbec745f8248603a6ab (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Meu trabalho de monografia procura visar as relações políticas e econômicas entre a Argentina e Brasil no âmbito do Mercosul, plano de integração regional conhecido pelo Tratado de Assunção em 1991. A hipótese da minha monografia é averiguar a possibilidade de emergir comportamentos entre a realidade por parte dos países que integram o Mercosul, principalmente, a Argentina e Brasil, os dois maiores sócios do Mercosul. Em outras palavras é analisar se de fato há comportamentos realistas por parte dos dois maiores países da região do cone Sul. Comportamento realista neste caso é visto no emprego de conceitos ligados á política clássica, como hegemonia, dependência, interesse nacional e história internacional. Estes são conceitos da ciência política amplamente realizados nas relações internacionais / Abstract: Not informed. / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciência Política