This dissertation is an ethnography of the cultural politics of Indian/white relations in a small, interior British Columbia resource city at the height of land claims conflict and tensions. Drawing on the theoretical approaches of Nicholas Thomas (1994) and Raymond Williams (1977, 1980), I show how the power that reinforces the subordination of aboriginal peoples in Canada is exercised by 'ordinary' rural Euro-Canadians whose cultural attitudes and activities are forces in an ongoing, contemporary system of colonial domination. In approaching these issues through in-depth ethnographic research with both the Native and Euro- Canadian populations and in exploring the dynamics of cultural domination and resistance at the level of a local, rural community, this dissertation stands as a unique contribution to the ethnographic study of colonialism and Native/non- Native relations in Canada. The dominant Euro-Canadian culture of the region is defined by a complex of understandings about history, society and identity that is thematically integrated through the idea of the frontier. At its heart, the frontier complex consists of an historical epistemology - a Canadian version of the American frontier myth (Slotkin 1992) - that celebrates the processes through which European explorers 'discovered' and 'conquered' North America and its aboriginal inhabitants, . Central to this complex is the Indian/white dichotomy, a founding archetype in Euro-Canadians' symbolic ordering of regional social relations and in their private and public constructions of collective identity. Also central is the Euro-Canadians' self-image of benevolent paternalism, an identity that appears repeatedly in discourses of national history and Native/non-Native relations. Facets of the frontier complex are expressed in diverse settings: casual conversations among Euro-Canadians, popular histories, museum displays, political discourse, public debates about aboriginal land claims, and the town's annual summer festival. In each setting, these practices contribute to the perpetuation of relations of inequality between Euro-Canadians and area Shuswap, Tsilhqot'in and Carrier peoples, and in each setting area Natives are engaging in diverse forms of resistance. The plurality of these strategies of resistance, rooted in different cultural identities, biographical experiences and political philosophies, reflects the creativity in which new forms of resistance are forged and tested in public contexts of Native/Euro-Canadian interaction. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

Vancouver Island's old growth temperate rainforest has been the focal point in the conflict between environmentalists and forestry workers. While a substantial body of sociological literature exists on participants in the environmental movement (EM), there is a dearth of literature on participants in anti-environmentalist countermovements. Share Our Resources of Port Alberni (Share) is a countermovement organization that emerged to act as a voice for forestry workers and resource dependent communities and to counter the 'misinformation' being spread by environmentalists. The conflict over forestry and conservation is fuelled as environmentalists become the "other" against which Share members mobilize and construct their collective identity - an collective identity characterized by a core of pro-industry, pro-community and anti-environmental sentiments. This thesis addresses two research questions: First, what are the underlying differences between members of the two movements with respect to their socio-demographics, values, networks, and collective identities? Second, if certain factors are important in explaining identification with the EM, then what factors are important in explaining identification with Share. Using bivariate correlation analysis and multiple regression analysis, three sources of data are analyzed: self-administered questionnaires sent to both Share (N=129) and EM members (N=381); and a telephone survey of the general public of Port Alberni (N=100). My results show that Share respondents are predominantly older, working class men employed in the forest industry without a great deal of formal education. Share members more highly value anthropocentrism and are more politically conservative. Identification with the forest industry is the strongest and most significant predictor of identification with Share. The most theoretically interesting and surprising finding is that out-group ties or ties to environmentalists, is a positive and statistically significant predictor of identification with Share. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

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Many non-metropolitan areas in British Columbia experienced chronic instability in the resource extraction economy on which they traditionally relied. Beginning in the early 1980s, shifts in employment and the organization of work led to persistent socioeconomic turbulence. Despite the range of development, education, and training programmes available, efforts to return these regions to stability had only sporadic success. In the late 1980s, policy reviews led to the introduction of initiatives for greater local self-direction over development, complemented by partnering in programme delivery, and shifts in educational funding towards targeted groups. This study examines certain interactions between post-secondary education and development programmes in non-metropolitan British Columbia from 1980 to 1996. Using a living systems view, and drawing on studies in geography and adult education, a model of resources needed by outlying regions for successful development was constructed. The model was used to examine socioeconomic changes, policy changes designed to foster sustainable development, and shifts in emphasis in post-secondary education and training programmes, as they affected the study areas. The main conclusions were: (1) there were distinct socioeconomic differences among non-metropolitan regions; (2) in some, significant internal migration resulted in opportunities to create new work, and so achieve more self-directed development, and (3) the implementation of local sustainability and partnering did not reach levels expected, in part due to contradictory demands for innovation and cost cutting. Supporting evidence was derived from combining (a) an extensive review of census indicators over the province and in four selected case study regions, with (b) a series of some 100 semi-structured interviews with resident stakeholders who were involved in directing, managing, and delivering educational, training and community development services, and (c) a review of contemporary socioeconomic plans and profiles. The empirical data was analyzed using a combination of qualitative and quantitative analysis, which featured the application of principles of grounded theory and the method of triangulation, widely used in social sciences. Case study communities were those that were successfully returning to stability by means of the benefits flowing from internal migration combined with opportunities to create new work. The methods of investigation developed here can be applied to other situations where communities are trying to change their prospects from within. The living systems view is appropriate for broadly-based research into local community development.

The British Columbia Treaty Process was established in 1992 with the aim of resolving the outstanding land claims of First Nations in B.C. Since that time, two discourses have been prevalent within the treaty negotiations taking place between First Nations and the governments of Canada and British Columbia. The first, that of justice, revolves around the question of how to remedy the past injustices that were imposed on B.C.'s First Nations so as to improve their current circumstances. The second, that of certainty, asks whether this historical repair can occur without significantly disrupting the social order, and whether it can be done in a manner that provides a better future for all British Columbians. Each discourse, as it unfolds in the negotiation process, is characterized by competing visions of what justice and certainty should mean. This thesis examines the interplay between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal visions of justice and certainty and queries: is there a space between justice and certainty in which modern treaties can be made? On the basis of interviews, fieldwork, and a document analysis of treatyrelated materials, I argue that the B.C. Treaty Process, as it currently stands, fails to provide a reliable means for the parties to negotiate 'between justice and certainty'. In particular, the procedural model on which the B.C. Treaty Process is built lacks clear substantive guidelines, leaving it susceptible to the manipulations and 'symbolic violence' of the more powerful parties - i.e. the provincial and federal governments. This has resulted in negotiations that are defined by the visions of justice and certainty forwarded by the non-Aboriginal governments, visions which prioritize the economic and political interests of business and government over a serious reckoning with the past. These 'affirmative reparations' render justice equivalent to achieving certainty in the form of clear and stable business and governance relations between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peoples. In opposition to this affirmative perspective, I argue that the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peoples, which sharply contrasts with First Nations' demands that non-Aboriginal governments provide a forthright acknowledgement of and apology for infringement on Aboriginal rights and title, significant monetary compensation and land restitution, and recognition of broad powers of Aboriginal self-governance. However, these First Nation justice demands do not meet the economic and political imperatives of neoliberal globalization, and it is on the basis of these broader societal forces that the non-Aboriginal government vision of certainty rests. For them, 'rational' and certain settlements need to be forged through treaty-making to ensure the ability of governments and businesses to operate efficiently in the global marketplace. In opposition to this affirmative perspective, I argue that the negotiation process needs to be redesigned so that the symbolic and material justice demands of First Nations form the basis for treaty-making. Unless the B.C. Treaty Process opens itself to the possibility of transformative justice contained within these demands - that is, to a justice that reconfigures symbolic, political and economic relationships between Aboriginal and non- Aboriginal peoples - the certainty desired by non-Aboriginal governments and businesses is unlikely to prevail. Indeed, the economic and political assimilation that is attempted through affirmative repair is more likely to lead to future conflict than to the trust and mutual respect between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal societies necessary for certainty to be realized.

The Musqueam Indian band has no formal child welfare agreement with the province of British Columbia. Recently the Musqueam Indian Band has expressed a desire to work towards developing community based child and family services on reserve. This research examines the historical factors as well as contemporary factors relating to child welfare at the Musqueam Indian Band. This research utilized a qualitative research paradigm to identify the specific community dimensions that would be the basis for autonomous family and child services at the band. This study identifies the importance of kinship, linguistic, geographic, religious, experimental and contemporary dimensions within the Musqueam community. This study goes on to provide policy and program recommendations for culturally specific family and child services at the band. This research will be incorporated into a funding proposal put forward to the provincial government for programs and services at the Musqueam Indian Band. / Arts, Faculty of / Social Work, School of / Graduate

The British Columbia Treaty Process was established in 1992 with the aim of resolving the outstanding land claims of First Nations in B.C. Since that time, two discourses have been prevalent within the treaty negotiations taking place between First Nations and the governments of Canada and British Columbia. The first, that of justice, revolves around the question of how to remedy the past injustices that were imposed on B.C.'s First Nations so as to improve their current circumstances. The second, that of certainty, asks whether this historical repair can occur without significantly disrupting the social order, and whether it can be done in a manner that provides a better future for all British Columbians. Each discourse, as it unfolds in the negotiation process, is characterized by competing visions of what justice and certainty should mean. This thesis examines the interplay between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal visions of justice and certainty and queries: is there a space between justice and certainty in which modern treaties can be made? On the basis of interviews, fieldwork, and a document analysis of treatyrelated materials, I argue that the B.C. Treaty Process, as it currently stands, fails to provide a reliable means for the parties to negotiate 'between justice and certainty'. In particular, the procedural model on which the B.C. Treaty Process is built lacks clear substantive guidelines, leaving it susceptible to the manipulations and 'symbolic violence' of the more powerful parties - i.e. the provincial and federal governments. This has resulted in negotiations that are defined by the visions of justice and certainty forwarded by the non-Aboriginal governments, visions which prioritize the economic and political interests of business and government over a serious reckoning with the past. These 'affirmative reparations' render justice equivalent to achieving certainty in the form of clear and stable business and governance relations between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peoples. In opposition to this affirmative perspective, I argue that the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peoples, which sharply contrasts with First Nations' demands that non-Aboriginal governments provide a forthright acknowledgement of and apology for infringement on Aboriginal rights and title, significant monetary compensation and land restitution, and recognition of broad powers of Aboriginal self-governance. However, these First Nation justice demands do not meet the economic and political imperatives of neoliberal globalization, and it is on the basis of these broader societal forces that the non-Aboriginal government vision of certainty rests. For them, 'rational' and certain settlements need to be forged through treaty-making to ensure the ability of governments and businesses to operate efficiently in the global marketplace. In opposition to this affirmative perspective, I argue that the negotiation process needs to be redesigned so that the symbolic and material justice demands of First Nations form the basis for treaty-making. Unless the B.C. Treaty Process opens itself to the possibility of transformative justice contained within these demands - that is, to a justice that reconfigures symbolic, political and economic relationships between Aboriginal and non- Aboriginal peoples - the certainty desired by non-Aboriginal governments and businesses is unlikely to prevail. Indeed, the economic and political assimilation that is attempted through affirmative repair is more likely to lead to future conflict than to the trust and mutual respect between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal societies necessary for certainty to be realized. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

Many non-metropolitan areas in British Columbia experienced chronic instability in the resource extraction economy on which they traditionally relied. Beginning in the early 1980s, shifts in employment and the organization of work led to persistent socioeconomic turbulence. Despite the range of development, education, and training programmes available, efforts to return these regions to stability had only sporadic success. In the late 1980s, policy reviews led to the introduction of initiatives for greater local self-direction over development, complemented by partnering in programme delivery, and shifts in educational funding towards targeted groups. This study examines certain interactions between post-secondary education and development programmes in non-metropolitan British Columbia from 1980 to 1996. Using a living systems view, and drawing on studies in geography and adult education, a model of resources needed by outlying regions for successful development was constructed. The model was used to examine socioeconomic changes, policy changes designed to foster sustainable development, and shifts in emphasis in post-secondary education and training programmes, as they affected the study areas. The main conclusions were: (1) there were distinct socioeconomic differences among non-metropolitan regions; (2) in some, significant internal migration resulted in opportunities to create new work, and so achieve more self-directed development, and (3) the implementation of local sustainability and partnering did not reach levels expected, in part due to contradictory demands for innovation and cost cutting. Supporting evidence was derived from combining (a) an extensive review of census indicators over the province and in four selected case study regions, with (b) a series of some 100 semi-structured interviews with resident stakeholders who were involved in directing, managing, and delivering educational, training and community development services, and (c) a review of contemporary socioeconomic plans and profiles. The empirical data was analyzed using a combination of qualitative and quantitative analysis, which featured the application of principles of grounded theory and the method of triangulation, widely used in social sciences. Case study communities were those that were successfully returning to stability by means of the benefits flowing from internal migration combined with opportunities to create new work. The methods of investigation developed here can be applied to other situations where communities are trying to change their prospects from within. The living systems view is appropriate for broadly-based research into local community development. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate