published_or_final_version / Chinese Historical Studies / Master / Master of Arts

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published_or_final_version / abstract / toc / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

過去學者討論僧人與國家之關係，多強調來自國家的制度規定，忽略了僧人的主觀能動性。本文則從護僧榜文出發，嘗試以自下而上的視角去探討僧人與國家的關係。此類榜文在有清一代多地出現，看似係皇帝聖旨，強調國家對僧人的優待政策，被不少僧人隨身攜帶。更有甚者，榜文被張掛、勒石記錄或刻板刷印以擴大影響。而事實上，清帝從未頒行過護僧榜文，所謂的護僧榜文是僧人為維護自身利益製造出來的。 諸多普通民眾難以判斷榜文的真假，而地方官紳大多對這類民間文本並不關心，認為其無關緊要。也有佞佛官紳利用此類榜文來鼓吹佛教，幫助維護寺廟與僧人的利益。通過對護僧榜文的研究，可以看到僧人並非只是國家規定的被動接受者，他們借用國家的名義，製造、傳播并利用符合自身利益的"國家規定"。 / Most previous research on relations between monks and the state focused on the state regulations, and ignored the monks’ subjective initiative. In Comparison, this thesis centers on the various Official Placards of Protecting Monks in the Qing dynasty and tries to discuss the relationship between monks and the state from a bottom-up perspective. Those placards, taken by not a few monks, were similar to imperial edicts in format, emphasizing the state’s amiable position toward monks. Occasionally, people posted these placards on the wall, or carved them on the stele, or printed them out, in order to expand influence. As a matter of fact, Qing emperors had never issued such a kind of edict. Therefore, the so-called Official Placards of Protecting Monks were counterfeited by certain monks for their own sakes. On the one hand, it was difficult for many commoners to tell the authenticity of these placards. On the other, the majority of local officials and elites did not bother themselves with these placards. Nevertheless, a few local elites took advantage of these very placards to promulgate Buddhism and protect monks and their temples. In sum, the Official Placard of Protecting Monks throws light on another aspect of the relationship between the state and the monks, revealing that monks were by no means passive receiver of state regulation. On the contrary, by manipulating the credit of the state, they were able to produce, spread and capitalize on the so-called "state regulations" in their own interests. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 伍金菊. / "2014年10月"--Title page. / "2014 nian 10 yue"--Title page. / Parallel title from English abstract. / Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 133-148). / Abstracts also in English. / Wu Jinju.

張志義. / 手稿本, 複本據稿本複印. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學, 1990. / Shou gao ben, fu ben ju gao ben fu yin. / Includes bibliographical references: leaves 1-59 (3rd group) / Zhang Zhiyi. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1990. / Chapter 第一章： --- 緒言 --- p.1 / （註釋） --- p.8 / Chapter 第二章； --- 東南地區佛教及寺院經濟之發展與慈善公益事業 --- p.11 / Chapter (一) --- 宋代佛教重心之南移與東南地區佛教之及發展 --- p.11 / Chapter (1) --- 漢迄五代佛教在東南地區之發展 --- p.11 / Chapter (2) --- 佛教重心之南移 --- p.24 / Chapter (3) --- 東南地區佛教之興盛與寺院慈善公益事業之關係 --- p.42 / Chapter (二) --- 東南地區寺院經濟之發達與慈善公益事業 --- p.46 / Chapter (1) --- 宋代寺院經濟之發展 --- p.46 / Chapter (2) --- 東南地區經濟之蓬勃與寺院經濟之興盛 --- p.56 / Chapter (3) --- 東南地區寺院經濟之發達與慈善公益事業之關係 --- p.63 / （註釋）　 --- p.76 / Chapter 第三章 --- 東南地區佛教寺院自發營辦之慈善公益事業 --- p.137 / Chapter (一) --- 東南地區寺院積極從事慈善公益事業之原因 --- p.140 / Chapter (1) --- 受佛教之慈悲、福田觀念影響 --- p.140 / Chapter (2) --- 禪宗流行之影響 --- p.144 / Chapter (3) --- 佛教順俗政策之影響 --- p.148 / Chapter (4) --- 佛教寺院欲藉廣種福田以結善緣 --- p.152 / Chapter (二) --- 東南地區寺院所積極從事之慈善公益事業　 --- p.158 / Chapter (1) --- 社會救濟 --- p.158 / Chapter (2) --- 地方建設 --- p.169 / Chapter (3) --- 便俗利民 --- p.179 / Chapter (4) --- 教育事業 --- p.188 / （註釋） --- p.193 / Chapter 第四章 --- 東南地區寺院與官紳合辦之慈善公益事業 --- p.280 / Chapter (一) --- 宋政府委託東南地區寺院興辦之慈善公益事業 --- p.280 / Chapter (1) --- 宋代東南地區官督寺辦慈善益事業之興起 --- p.283 / Chapter (I) --- 政府委託寺院興辦之原因　　　　　　 --- p.283 / Chapter (II) --- 寺院願意接受政府委託之原因 --- p.291 / Chapter (2) --- 宋政府委託寺院所興辦之慈善公益事業 --- p.295 / Chapter (I) --- 社會福利 --- p.295 / Chapter (II) --- 緊急救濟 --- p.302 / Chapter (III) --- 地方建設 --- p.308 / Chapter (二) --- 東南地區佛教寺院興辦的慈善公益事業與鄉紳的關係 --- p.316 / Chapter (1) --- 鄉紳支持或與寺院合辦慈善公益事業之原因 --- p.319 / Chapter (I) --- 宗教因素 --- p.319 / Chapter (II) --- 政治社會因素 --- p.324 / Chapter (2) --- 鄉紳與寺院合辦之慈善公益事業 --- p.329 / （註釋） --- p.337 / Chapter 第五章 --- 結論 --- p.420 / （註釋） --- p.427 / 徵引及參考書目 / 提要

The thesis searches for the roots of the Chinese appreciation for the concepts contained in the early Mādhyamika texts in the currents in Chinese philosophy and the political climate in China during the Eastern Chin and Liu Sung periods. We also seek to account for the characteristic emphasis in hsüan-hsüeh thought on descriptions of a hypothetical sage-ruler and of "Non-being" (and in Buddhist thought on the divine saviour and the eternal life of the "spirit") in the social/political situation in China during this period. We examine the many points of correspondence and similarities between Taoist philosophy and concepts originating in the Prajnāpāramitā texts. Selected translations from the Ming-fo-lun (Treatise Illuminating the Buddha) by Tsung Ping (375-443) are used as examples of a Chinese layman's appraisal of the Buddhist "Path" vis-a-vis those of the philosophical Taoists and Confucianists and to give an overall picture of the philosophical climate of the period. The thesis concludes that there is a wealth of similarity between the Buddhist ideas being introduced to Chinese in the Post-Han period, and China's own philosophical output before and during this period. A continuity is identified between the tenets of hsüan-hsüeh and these Buddhist ideas. We further conclude that the Chinese interest in the limitless powers of the Buddha--like the emphasis in hsüan-hsüeh thought on the qualities of the sage-ruler--can be attributed to the social strife in the period and the erosion of faith in mundane political philosophies. The life of the "spirit" and the countenance of the Buddha offered truly lasting stability and reassurance which the more worldly doctrines had been unable to provide. As a final note, the thesis considers the common appreciation for Buddhism among Indians and Chinese as indicative of universal features of religious systems. We conclude that as common components of the Mādhyamika system practiced in India and China, the recognition of an all powerful deity and transcendent realm coupled with the idea of men's potential to interact and identify with these may be acknowledged as two of the fundamental features of a particular religious doctrine shared for a time by these two ancient civilizations. / Arts, Faculty of / Asian Studies, Department of / Graduate

以往的明末清初耶佛相遇研究,更为注重天主教和佛教间的冲突和对比。本文更倾向于身处耶佛相遇处境内的士人的宗教内对话。来世问题不仅是耶佛宗教间论辩的焦点，也是士大夫的宗教内对话转化信仰的主旨。 / 这是因为晚明时期传统儒学影响，更加关注生死问题的讨论。晚明儒释交融，逃禅悦禅狂禅成为一时风尚。而天主教的传入给关心生死议题的士大夫提供了另一种资源。相对于流于空虚玄妙的禅学而言，很多人认为天主教是一种"实心"、"实行""实学"的思想体系。 / 明清之际，佛学的发展趋势是禅净合流，唯心净土与弥陀净土慢慢融合。禅净双修在士大夫中很受欢迎。因此，士大夫对天主教生死关的理解不仅与禅学相关，也与净土相关。 / 明朝政策使瑜伽僧和禅讲僧鼎立，使经忏法事弥漫于士人的日常生活中，这也与净土信仰相关联。对这些经忏科仪的批判，也成了天主教徒理解来世的一个面向。 / 来世问题，中国天主教徒认为这是儒学的疏略之处，构成了"补儒易佛"的重要内容。 / Most of the existing studies of the Buddhist‐Christian encounter during the Ming and Qing dynasties emphasize the conflict and contrast between Chinese Buddhism and Catholicism. The present study tends to focus on the intra religious dialogue of the participants. It will indicate that the problem of next‐life or life after death was not only one of the foci of dialogue, but also one of the key aspects of the transformation of faith caused by intra‐religious dialogue of the Chinese intellectuals at that time. / During the late Ming period, under the influence of traditional Confucianism, the matters of life and death became a focus of debate. At that time, the escapist Ch’an Buddhism became an ethos, and interactions took place between Buddhism and Confucianism. When Catholicism was introduced into China, it offered a spiritual alternative to the Chinese intellectuals who cared about matters of life and death. In contrast to the relatively more speculative and mysterious Ch’an, many Chinese found Catholicism a more genuine, concrete and practical system of thought. / With regard to the Buddhism during the Ming and Qing dynasties, an important trend of development was the combination between Ch’an and Pure Land Buddhism, particularly the gradual integration between the Amitabha Pure Land and the Heart‐Only Pure Land. Dual cultivation of Ch’an and Pure Land was very popular among the Chinese intellectuals. For this reason, the Chinese intellectuals’ understanding of the Catholic view of life and death related not only to Ch’an, but also to Pure Land Buddhism. / The governmental policy of Ming dynasty made the ritual monks stand on equal footing with the lecturing monks, and the Buddhist rituals, including those related to Pure Land Buddhism, integral part of the daily life of the intellectuals. The critique of these rituals formed an important aspect of the Catholic view of next‐life. Many Chinese Catholics took the problem of next life as one of the limitations or neglect problems of Confucianism, and made it one of the major contents for the strategy of "supplementing Confucanism and replacing Buddhism". / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 劉晶晶. / Thesis submitted: December 2013. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 182-205). / Abstracts also in English. / Liu Jingjing.

張雪松. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 251-265). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhang Xuesong.

學界一致肯定近代上海紳商居士在中國佛教現代化轉型過程中發揮了巨大的作用，對此的研究卻明顯不足，不但與紳商居士的歷史重要性極不相稱，也正因缺乏具體研究而導致對該群體的特徵描述並不準確，繼而對近代佛教的樣貌還原亦有所失真。本文試圖通過研究王一亭同時兼具紳商與佛教徒雙重身份的典型個案，探討上海紳商居士的宗教生活與近代佛教轉型之間的互動與糾葛，進而填補近代紳商居士研究領域的空白，並對既有佛教現代化轉型研究進行一定的補充和修正。 / 本文在參考一般近代佛教研究常論及的教內著述和報刊文獻基礎上，還以大量的王一亭書畫作品、教外報刊、方誌檔案和其他散見資料為一手史料。通過運用史料學、文獻分析和圖像學研究等方法，並結合布迪厄的社會實踐理論，全文共分四章全面考察王一亭的宗教信仰與佛教實踐。第一章主要梳理王一亭躋身紳商界後進入佛教場域的詳細歷程，及其平日對傳統佛教活動的參與情況。第二章聚焦建制化佛教場域，通過對比僧寺叢林等傳統佛教組織，探討王一亭與其他上海紳商居士創辦、參與各類新型佛教組織時對佛教再生產的影響、及其對佛教內部權力關係的重構。第三章基於藝術場域，論述王一亭將宗教信仰帶入藝術創作和交往活動時憑藉藝術和社會資本兌換、積累佛教文化和經濟資本的情形，及其以此進行社會慈善活動、獲得象徵資本的經過。第四章關注慈善場域中王一亭等上海紳商居士在居士慈善組織中對扶乩、佛教和慈善資源的融攝，考察紳商居士慈善的特點、以及由此為制度化佛教發展帶來之資本和權力關係的變化。 / 王一亭的個案和相關活動中其他上海紳商居士的參與反映出近代佛教轉型呈現出以下特徵：其一，上海紳商居士創辦出新型居士組織，其根本特色和成功原因在於對傳統寺院經濟模式的傳承與創新；其二，社會慈善活動成為佛教發展的關鍵，而上海紳商居士發起之居士慈善不但給佛教帶來更多理性化的資本與運作，亦使佛教慈善出現扶乩化的傾向；其三，近代佛教的領導權力逐漸由高僧部份轉向紳商名流居士，而這種轉向既有傳統寺院經濟、文化資本削弱的原因，又與這批名流居士自身紳商權力的擴張密切關聯。 / Despite their significant role in the history of modern Chinese Buddhism, focused study on the Shanghai’s lay Buddhist business elites is insufficient for a full understanding on them. This thesis is a case study of a representative Shanghai’s lay Buddhist business elite called Wang Yiting（1867~1938）. We aim at analyzing his religious practices and his involvement in the modernization of Chinese Buddhism in Shanghai. Making use of first-hand resources including local chronicles, archives, Wang’s artworks and his non-Buddhist writings, this thesis applies the methodology of iconography and the theory on social practice of Pierre Bourdieu to analyze the religious practices of Wang Yiting and his reproduction and representation of modern Chinese Buddhism. / Chapter one traces the experience of Wang’s taking refuge in Buddhism and his daily Buddhist practices. Chapter two discusses the lay Buddhist movement led by Wang and his friends and compares it with traditional monastic organizations. Chapter three analyzes Wang’s religious beliefs as revealed in his art works. We also study how Wang has utilized Buddhist art for charity work and education of the mass. Chapter four studies the Association of Chinese Philanthropy of Aiding Life in Shanghai. We will study how the popular practices of spirit writing and of the Jigong cult was introduced into the Buddhism by Wang Yiting. / Through the case study of Wang we intend to show (1) how the Shanghai Buddhist lay merchants had successfully transformed the traditional monastic economy, (2) how they had integrated the popular practice of spirit writing and charity work into modern Buddhism, and finally (3) how the leadership of modern Buddhism has transferred from eminent monks to these lay Buddhist merchants. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 張佳. / Thesis submitted: December 2014. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 248-263). / Abstracts also in Chinese. / Zhang Jia.

本文通過考察吉安青原山寺的歷史來探究宋到清初佛教寺院與地方士人精英的關系演變。 / 宋元時期，文人碑刻為佛寺帶來聲譽和地位，青原山寺僧通過與上層士大夫精英打交道來獲取文化和政治上的支持。從9 世紀開始，由於禪宗部分宗派的改宗溯源，青原行思和尚最終在宋代官修禪宗史籍中確立正統地位，青原山寺被稱為禪宗「七祖道場」。南宋吉州科舉的興盛和高層士人的崛起催生了吉州的地域認同，青原山在廬陵文化的塑造中成為地方認同的標簽。但是在經濟上，像宋元吉州許多佛寺一樣，青原山寺通過在寺內或寺旁修功德祠的方式與當地富人做生意來獲得捐施。 / 明代中前期佛教發展走入低潮，洪武皇帝禁止官員與佛寺僧人打交道，以防僧俗勾結。嘉靖時期的毀「淫祠」運動和禁制佛教法令對佛寺造成了災難性的打擊。王學士人和吉安府地方官積極投身開展毀「淫祠」運動，打擊佛寺，清算寺產，青原山寺深受其害。從16 世紀30 年代開始，王學士人在青原山定期舉行講會，變寺院為書院，青原山寺因而被王學講會和儒學祭祀所占領，成為吉安府讀書人求學的精神聖地。 / 萬曆年間宮廷的崇佛勢力和晚明由政治焦慮而產生的崇佛熱潮波及吉安。在這場佛教復興中，有青原山求學經歷的第三、第四代王學人士熱衷於佛寺的興修。在晚明數十年間，通過科考、學術和姻親組成的吉安上層士大夫家族圈對青原山寺捐修的熱情持續不減。他們將王學會館神祠移至寺外，重修寺院，購買寺田。而嘉靖以來形成的青原山王學講會和精英文化傳統，使得吉安上層士人主導了青原山寺佛教的復興。 / 清初青原山在地方官和士紳庇護下成為明遺民逃禪之所。三藩之亂以前的清初地方官員創造了比較寬松的政治環境，順治至康熙年間，由前明逃禪官員住持的青原山寺，在省、府、縣三級官員、地方士紳和府縣學生的支持下，贖回大量土地、增建建築規模，免去里甲徭役，收留前朝遺民。青原講會重新恢復，成為全府知識活動的焦點所在。 / This dissertation examines the relationship between Buddhist monasteries and local literati elites in Jiangxi from Song to early Qing, with focus on a specific monastery: the Qingyuan si . / Literati inscriptions was a fountain of fame and prestige for Buddhist monasteries in Song-Yuan Ji'an.Thus monks constantly sought for cultural and political support from upper elite officials. Song Jizhou enjoyed unprecedented examination success and produced many high officials, which led to the birth of a territorial identity among the literati. Mount Qingyuan, renowned as a sacred site of the seventh Patriarch of Chan Buddhism--Qingyuan Xingsi( 青原行思), a result of genealogical writing since the 9th century, was constructed into the local identity in this process.The economic base of Qingyuan si, like many others in Song-Yuan Jizhou, however, lied in donations in exchange for a sacrifice hall built in or adjacent to the monastery. / The first two centuries of Ming was a gloomy time for Buddhism. Founding emperor Hongwu thrust a wedge between monks and officials to prevent conspiracy. The Jiajing period witnessed calamitous strikes to Buddhist monasteries in a movement to demolish 'illicit temples', together with anti-Buddhist edicts issued by the Jiajing Emperor. Yangming scholars and local officials alike actively participated in tearing down and confiscating land of 'illict temples', among which was Qingyuan si. In the meantime, the rise of Yangming school made Qingyuan si a prominent site of Yangming huijiang (learning and discussing meetings), turning it into a Yangming Academy and spiritual center of scholarship in Ji'an since the 1530's. / In the Buddhist revival driven by inner court forces and a nationwide fever for Buddhism out of political anxiety, the third and fourth generations of Yangming scholars in Ji'an demonstrated great enthusiasm in restoring Buddhist monasteries. During the remaining years of Ming, gentry families of Ji'an, connected by scholarship and marriage, showed consistency in monastic patronage under which Qingyuan si managed to remove Yangming halls, restore Buddhist constructions and reacquire much land. Moreover, donation to the monastery then became a sphere largely exclusive to a privileged literati group as a result of its elite tradition formed in the Jiajing era. / Early Qing Qingyuan si served as a shelter for Ming loyalists. The Ming-Qing transition cracked down some old patronal literate families of Qingyuan si by war. However, under the protection of supportive local officials, surviving gentry families and students, the monastery benefited from two decades of peaceful time due to a mild political climate before late 1670s. Former Ming high officials were invited abbots, land was redeemed, and labor service was relieved. The reopened Qingyuan huijiang once again made it a focal place of intellectual activities. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 敖迎盈. / "2012年12月". / "2012 nian 12 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-114). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Ao Yingying. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 歷史地理 --- p.9 / Chapter 1. --- 吉安歷史地理 --- p.9 / Chapter 2. --- 吉安早期佛教史概況 --- p.17 / Chapter 第三章 --- 明以前吉安佛教與青原山 --- p.24 / Chapter 1. --- 改宗溯源與禪宗正統的書寫青原山「七祖」道場之由來 --- p.24 / Chapter 2. --- 宋元時期的文人、官員與青原山 --- p.29 / Chapter 3. --- 從宋長者祠看宋元青原山寺的受捐和社會功能 --- p.37 / Chapter 第四章 --- 從佛教「祖庭」到儒學「聖域」：明代王學講會與青原山佛寺的困境 --- p.41 / Chapter 1. --- 王陽明與嘉靖時期吉安府王學 --- p.43 / Chapter 2. --- 「毀淫祠」運動與嘉靖年間佛寺的生存困境 --- p.48 / Chapter 3. --- 16 世紀的青原王學會講 --- p.53 / Chapter 第五章 --- 晚明佛教復興和吉安士人的參與 --- p.63 / Chapter 第六章 --- 明末清初青原山僧人、地方士紳與吉安府政治的變遷 --- p.80 / Chapter 第七章 --- 結論 --- p.100 / 參考文獻 --- p.105