Thesis (M.Arch.)--University of Hong Kong, 1994. / Includes special report study. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print.

金山寺位於江蘇省鎮江市，這座今天依然著名的佛寺最初是當地祭拜水神蛇仙的場所。從公元820年代開始，金山佛寺出現，寺內拜佛的活動逐漸成為主流。這個民間拜蛇的場所，逐漸開始拜佛，這個轉變是中唐之後鎮江地區一系列社會變化的結果，闡述這些社會改變，便能大致揭示出鎮江納入王朝行政體系具體過程。 / 金山寺所在的金山，在唐代是一個方圓到一公里的岩石島嶼。這裡祭祀水神蛇仙的記錄，最早可以追述至南朝。在這裡接受祭祀的水神蛇仙中，以白蛇為首位。從隋朝開始，隨著胡商在長江下游經營活動逐漸增加，金山小島上所祭祀的水神，同時融匯了江南本土水神蛇仙信仰和在華胡商的女神信仰兩方面的祭拜傳統。這種不同文化、不同祭祀傳統的融合，是通過商稅逐漸成為中唐王朝的主要經濟來源而逐步形成的。 / 隨著唐玄宗初步確立的運河溝通南北的格局，運河於安史之亂後成為唐帝國的生命線，這一點令位於長江水道與運河水道相交匯的鎮江，以其經濟意義而成為王朝勢力的必爭之地。鎮江的地方官職（唐時稱潤州刺史）也從一個王朝官員畏懼的「凶闕」而一躍成為「望」職，常由宰相兼領。 / 鎮江經濟地位的提升以及朝廷重臣的駐守，令王朝的行政體系高調出現在鎮江，並且引發了朝廷與地方勢力之爭。恰在此時，唐王朝的鹽政令朝廷成功獲得商人以及地方權貴的支持，北方朝廷與鎮江地方社會的衝突，在商人和權貴的介入下，得到了緩和。鎮江社會的結構出現了改變，編戶數量大增。 / 隨著社會結構的轉變，王朝重臣同時成功地將王朝的文化成功地帶到了鎮江。從公元820年代開始，文化在鎮江出現的轉變，對於民間對於王朝的認同來說，是決定性的一步。鎮江的金山寺，不僅通過這種文化認同而被描述成佛寺，並且更成為當地代表北方文化的一個傳播中心。 / 從此之後，金山寺便開始被官員和文人稱為“佛寺。雖然如此，金山島上的水神並沒有消失。這位號稱是白蛇的神靈，以其融匯在華胡商女性水神信仰而由老叟變成美婦。水神祭祀和對佛教的禮拜，在晚唐五代的金山寺中並行不悖，其表現形式，則是以佛教傳統為主導、水神祭祀為輔。晚唐金山寺逐漸成為遠近聞名的佛寺，從這個時候開始，鎮江便完成了其由化外之邦至化內之地的轉變。 / Monastery Jinshan locates in Zhenjiang today. Though it is famous for its Buddhist rituals since 11th century, the monastery was originally a sacred palace for preying Water Gods of Snakes. Since the palace was first being addressed as “Buddhist monastery in mid 820s, the Buddhist tradition was recorded as the dominant one. The conversion from local serpent cult to state Buddhist Religion resulted from a mix of social transformations in Zhenjiang. Therefore, the converting process revealed the process of the place getting incorporated into the state during the transformation period of late Tang Dynasty (AD 618-903). / During Tang Dynasty, Monastery Jinshan sat on a small rocky island in the middle of lower range of Yangzi River. The earliest record of serpent cult in the island could be traced back to late fourth century. Snake White led the pantheons of water gods in Zhenjiang, and the serpent cult in Zhenjing witnessed a profound transformation because of the foreign merchants who traveled around the lower range of Yangzi River in Sui and Tang Dynasties (AD 581-907). The foreign merchants of the time profiled their Water Gods as twin females with impressively young faces. Though Chinese tradition imaged the Snake White as an old man in white suits, the convergence of the two distinct traditions ended up with a popularity of a beautiful Chinese lady of Madam Snake White whom was escorted by the other beautiful maid of Snake Blue. The mixing of the two different traditions revealed the increasingly influential economic status of merchants, especially the foreign traders, after Mid Tang Dynasty. / With the economic importance of merchants was escalating, the canal system also started to work regularly during the final 1.5 centuries in Tang. The canal system physically linked Capital Chang’an with Zhenjiang (addressed as “Runzhou City in Tang) which was the waterway conjunction of Yangzi River and the Great Canal. Since 9th century, the waterway conjunction shed off the negative image of a remote and perilous area and became one of the leading places in the empire. Zhenjiang was then governed directly by the prime ministers during late Tang Dynasty. / The arrival of the prime ministers in Zhenjiang was accompanied with the high-profiled introduction of state administration here, which aroused the confrontation and conflicts between the state and the local. The confrontation was pacified by the newly-established salt policy during the first half of the 9th century. The salt policy ensured the court to gain the support from the local strongmen and merchants. / The cooperation of local strongmen in Zhenjiang made it possible for the state to nurture the cultural environment that appreciated the leadership of Chang’an. The cultural transformation in Zhenjiang started with the establishment of Monastery Jinshan, and the monastery became the venue of demonstrating the cultural trend in the state. / Though Monastery Jinshan was shaped as a local authority of Buddhism, the serpent cult died hard in the island. Both Buddha and Snake White were prayed in the Jinshan, with Buddha as the higher god. The authority of Monastery Jinshan was finally constituted in 870s, indication the finalization of the incorporation. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 陳越溪. / "2012年6月". / "2012 nian 6 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 119-125). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Chen Yuexi. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 來自金山的“江心鏡 --- p.12 / Chapter 1、 --- 來自鎮江的進奉 --- p.12 / Chapter 2、 --- 唐代的五月初五 --- p.19 / Chapter 第三章 --- 祭祀中心與藥市 --- p.24 / Chapter 1、 --- 金山是水神祭祀中心 --- p.24 / Chapter 2、 --- 鎮江的藥市 --- p.31 / Chapter 第四章 --- 金山上的水神 --- p.35 / Chapter 1、 --- 壯麗的水神廟 --- p.35 / Chapter 2、 --- 水神是蛇仙 --- p.36 / Chapter 3、 --- 水神：老叟還是美婦？ --- p.38 / Chapter 4、 --- 水神從男性變為女性 --- p.40 / Chapter 第六章 --- 運河 --- p.48 / Chapter 1、 --- 政之不行 --- p.48 / Chapter 2、 --- 地方勢力 --- p.49 / Chapter 3、 --- 潤州新進士 --- p.51 / Chapter 4、 --- 潤州新刺史齊濣 --- p.52 / Chapter 5、 --- 運河之利 --- p.57 / Chapter 6、 --- 施政不易 --- p.58 / Chapter 7、 --- 再看唐明皇守城門樓 --- p.61 / Chapter 第七章 --- 拜佛 --- p.64 / Chapter 1、 --- 僧蛇之鬭 --- p.65 / Chapter 2、 --- 顯貴移民：練湖的勝利 --- p.69 / Chapter 第八章 --- 金山名日新 --- p.76 / Chapter 1、 --- 唐朝的鹽商 --- p.76 / Chapter 2、 --- 金山名日新 --- p.82 / Chapter 3、 --- 馬祖玄素和護航寶塔 --- p.84 / Chapter 4、 --- 宰相命輪 --- p.93 / Chapter 第九章 --- 寺成 --- p.94 / Chapter 1、 --- 處心積慮的李德裕 --- p.94 / Chapter 2、 --- 削弱水神蛇仙的影響力 --- p.100 / Chapter 3、 --- 德裕努力的成功 --- p.102 / Chapter 4、 --- 漕路通了 --- p.105 / Chapter 5、 --- 金山寺成 --- p.107 / Chapter 第十章 --- 結論 --- p.115

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2008. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 172-188).

No description available.

段玉明. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2002. / 參考文獻 (p. 262-280). / 中英文摘要. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Duan Yuming. / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002. / Can kao wen xian (p. 262-280).

published_or_final_version / Architecture / Master / Master of Architecture

本文通過考察吉安青原山寺的歷史來探究宋到清初佛教寺院與地方士人精英的關系演變。 / 宋元時期，文人碑刻為佛寺帶來聲譽和地位，青原山寺僧通過與上層士大夫精英打交道來獲取文化和政治上的支持。從9 世紀開始，由於禪宗部分宗派的改宗溯源，青原行思和尚最終在宋代官修禪宗史籍中確立正統地位，青原山寺被稱為禪宗「七祖道場」。南宋吉州科舉的興盛和高層士人的崛起催生了吉州的地域認同，青原山在廬陵文化的塑造中成為地方認同的標簽。但是在經濟上，像宋元吉州許多佛寺一樣，青原山寺通過在寺內或寺旁修功德祠的方式與當地富人做生意來獲得捐施。 / 明代中前期佛教發展走入低潮，洪武皇帝禁止官員與佛寺僧人打交道，以防僧俗勾結。嘉靖時期的毀「淫祠」運動和禁制佛教法令對佛寺造成了災難性的打擊。王學士人和吉安府地方官積極投身開展毀「淫祠」運動，打擊佛寺，清算寺產，青原山寺深受其害。從16 世紀30 年代開始，王學士人在青原山定期舉行講會，變寺院為書院，青原山寺因而被王學講會和儒學祭祀所占領，成為吉安府讀書人求學的精神聖地。 / 萬曆年間宮廷的崇佛勢力和晚明由政治焦慮而產生的崇佛熱潮波及吉安。在這場佛教復興中，有青原山求學經歷的第三、第四代王學人士熱衷於佛寺的興修。在晚明數十年間，通過科考、學術和姻親組成的吉安上層士大夫家族圈對青原山寺捐修的熱情持續不減。他們將王學會館神祠移至寺外，重修寺院，購買寺田。而嘉靖以來形成的青原山王學講會和精英文化傳統，使得吉安上層士人主導了青原山寺佛教的復興。 / 清初青原山在地方官和士紳庇護下成為明遺民逃禪之所。三藩之亂以前的清初地方官員創造了比較寬松的政治環境，順治至康熙年間，由前明逃禪官員住持的青原山寺，在省、府、縣三級官員、地方士紳和府縣學生的支持下，贖回大量土地、增建建築規模，免去里甲徭役，收留前朝遺民。青原講會重新恢復，成為全府知識活動的焦點所在。 / This dissertation examines the relationship between Buddhist monasteries and local literati elites in Jiangxi from Song to early Qing, with focus on a specific monastery: the Qingyuan si . / Literati inscriptions was a fountain of fame and prestige for Buddhist monasteries in Song-Yuan Ji'an.Thus monks constantly sought for cultural and political support from upper elite officials. Song Jizhou enjoyed unprecedented examination success and produced many high officials, which led to the birth of a territorial identity among the literati. Mount Qingyuan, renowned as a sacred site of the seventh Patriarch of Chan Buddhism--Qingyuan Xingsi( 青原行思), a result of genealogical writing since the 9th century, was constructed into the local identity in this process.The economic base of Qingyuan si, like many others in Song-Yuan Jizhou, however, lied in donations in exchange for a sacrifice hall built in or adjacent to the monastery. / The first two centuries of Ming was a gloomy time for Buddhism. Founding emperor Hongwu thrust a wedge between monks and officials to prevent conspiracy. The Jiajing period witnessed calamitous strikes to Buddhist monasteries in a movement to demolish 'illicit temples', together with anti-Buddhist edicts issued by the Jiajing Emperor. Yangming scholars and local officials alike actively participated in tearing down and confiscating land of 'illict temples', among which was Qingyuan si. In the meantime, the rise of Yangming school made Qingyuan si a prominent site of Yangming huijiang (learning and discussing meetings), turning it into a Yangming Academy and spiritual center of scholarship in Ji'an since the 1530's. / In the Buddhist revival driven by inner court forces and a nationwide fever for Buddhism out of political anxiety, the third and fourth generations of Yangming scholars in Ji'an demonstrated great enthusiasm in restoring Buddhist monasteries. During the remaining years of Ming, gentry families of Ji'an, connected by scholarship and marriage, showed consistency in monastic patronage under which Qingyuan si managed to remove Yangming halls, restore Buddhist constructions and reacquire much land. Moreover, donation to the monastery then became a sphere largely exclusive to a privileged literati group as a result of its elite tradition formed in the Jiajing era. / Early Qing Qingyuan si served as a shelter for Ming loyalists. The Ming-Qing transition cracked down some old patronal literate families of Qingyuan si by war. However, under the protection of supportive local officials, surviving gentry families and students, the monastery benefited from two decades of peaceful time due to a mild political climate before late 1670s. Former Ming high officials were invited abbots, land was redeemed, and labor service was relieved. The reopened Qingyuan huijiang once again made it a focal place of intellectual activities. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 敖迎盈. / "2012年12月". / "2012 nian 12 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-114). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Ao Yingying. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 歷史地理 --- p.9 / Chapter 1. --- 吉安歷史地理 --- p.9 / Chapter 2. --- 吉安早期佛教史概況 --- p.17 / Chapter 第三章 --- 明以前吉安佛教與青原山 --- p.24 / Chapter 1. --- 改宗溯源與禪宗正統的書寫青原山「七祖」道場之由來 --- p.24 / Chapter 2. --- 宋元時期的文人、官員與青原山 --- p.29 / Chapter 3. --- 從宋長者祠看宋元青原山寺的受捐和社會功能 --- p.37 / Chapter 第四章 --- 從佛教「祖庭」到儒學「聖域」：明代王學講會與青原山佛寺的困境 --- p.41 / Chapter 1. --- 王陽明與嘉靖時期吉安府王學 --- p.43 / Chapter 2. --- 「毀淫祠」運動與嘉靖年間佛寺的生存困境 --- p.48 / Chapter 3. --- 16 世紀的青原王學會講 --- p.53 / Chapter 第五章 --- 晚明佛教復興和吉安士人的參與 --- p.63 / Chapter 第六章 --- 明末清初青原山僧人、地方士紳與吉安府政治的變遷 --- p.80 / Chapter 第七章 --- 結論 --- p.100 / 參考文獻 --- p.105

Following several successful military expeditions against the Mongols in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Manchu rulers of Qing China (1644-1911) met an unprecedented challenge as they incorporated culturally different subjects into their growing empire. After doubling in territory and tripling in population, how did the multicultural Qing operate? How did the new imperial subjects receive and reinterpret Qing state policies? What have been the ramifications of the eighteenth-century political innovations in modern China? In this dissertation, I address these questions by examining the encounters of the expanding Qing empire with Tibetans and Mongols in Inner Asia. Central to the analysis is Tibetan Buddhism, to which Mongols and Tibetans have adhered for centuries. Recent decades have seen a growing volume of research attending to Tibetan Buddhism within the context of the Qing’s imperial policies, but key questions still remain with regards to the perspective of these Inner Asian communities and the reasons for their participation in the imperial enterprise. The inadequate understanding of the Qing’s interaction with Tibetan Buddhism is predicated upon the assumption that Qing emperors propitiated the belligerent Mongols by patronizing their religion. While this premise acknowledges Tibetan Buddhism’s importance in the Qing’s imperial formation, it simultaneously deprives those practicing the religion of agency. The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze how the empire was ruled from the viewpoint of the governed. The project draws evidence from Tibetan-language biographies and monastic chronicles, letters in the Mongolian language, as well as local gazetteers, artisanal manuals, and court statutes in Chinese and Manchu, the two official languages in the Qing era. These textual sources are supplemented by Tibetan Buddhist artifacts housed in museums and libraries in North America and Asia. Through an examination of the wide array of source materials, I argue that the Qing imperial rulers capitalized on the religious culture of Inner Asian communities, which in turn gave rise to a transnational religious network that was centered on Tibetan Buddhist epistemology. The religious knowledge system remained strong well past the formative eighteenth century. Its enduring impact on Qing political and social history was felt even as the empire worked towards creating a distinctive cosmopolitan Qing culture. The dissertation consists of four chapters, each of which locates a space within the context of the symbiotic growth of the Qing and the Tibetan Buddhist knowledge network. This dissertation revolves around Tibetan Buddhist scholars, institutions, rituals, and objects, as they traveled from Tibet to Qing China’s capital and eastern Mongolia, and finally entered the literary realm of intellectuals in eighteenth-century China. Chapter One brings into focus Tibetan Buddhist reincarnation—a dynamic practice that redefined the institutional genealogy of individual prestige—as the Qing imperial power increased its contact with Inner Asian communities from the 1720s in the strategic border region of Amdo between Tibet and Qing China. I discuss how local hereditary headmen refashioned themselves into religious leaders whose enduring influence could transcend even death so as to preserve their prestige. Yet, their impact reached beyond the imperial margin. Chapter Two traces the role of these religious leaders in transforming an imperial private space into the largest Tibetan Buddhist monastery in the Qing’s imperial capital. This monastery—Beijing’s Lama Temple (Yonghegong 雍和宮)—not only became a site that manifested Qing imperial devotion to Tibetan Buddhism, but also served as an institutional outpost for the increasingly transnational Tibetan Buddhist network to the east. The Lama Temple was not the only outpost of the growing religious network, and Chapter Three explores another major nodal point within this network at a contact zone in southern Mongolia. It was here that two massive Tibetan Buddhist monasteries were constructed, owing to the mutual efforts undertaken by the imperial household and Tibetan Buddhists from Inner Asia. The final chapter returns to the imperial center but shifts its focus to a discursive space formed by Tibetan Buddhist laity who also occupied official posts in the imperial court. Two Manchu princes and one Mongolian Buddhist composed or were commissioned to compile texts in multiple languages on Tibetan Buddhist epistemology. Their writings reveal the fluidity and extent of the religious network, as well as its symbiotic growth with the imperial enterprise as the Qing empire took shape territorially and culturally. This dissertation concludes by addressing the nature of the Qing’s governance and that of the transnational power of the Tibetan Buddhist network, and it aims to deconstruct the dominant discourse associated with imperial policies in the Inner Asian frontier. My findings offer insight into how Tibetan Buddhism had a lasting impact on the Qing’s imperial imagination, during and after the formative eighteenth century.

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No description available.