From 1948 to 1989, the newspaper Rudé právo was the central press authority of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. Its content that was presented to the public, was ideologically focused in accordance with the current propaganda line of the Communist Party. After the Velvet Revolution in 1989, the situation began to change and, above all, domestic political content began to go through considerable change. This thesis analyzes the domestic political articles that were published in the Rudé právo during 1989 - eleven months before the Velvet Revolution and the period after the Velvet Revolution until the end of 1989. This work captures what topics the texts dealt with, which topics were preferred and which were neglected. The thesis also captures and describes how and when exactly the content of the paper began to change, how the attitudes of editors and the tone of the texts has being changed, which new topics began to appear in the press and how the language and rhetoric of the newspaper have changed.

This thesis focuses on the study of factionalism in the Communist Party of Vietnam and relates it to the recent problems of the Vietnamese regime. In order to determine the causes of the current crisis in Vietnam and introduce the environment in which Vietnamese elites operate, this study analyses both formal and informal structures of the political system of Vietnam and the principles of their functioning. This thesis criticizes misleading usage of faction as an analytical tool in the works on Vietnam and presents Andrew Nathan's factional model elaborated for China which is applied to Vietnam in a slightly changed form. We present evidence showing that the central political arena in Vietnam displays factional characteristics. Those findings are linked to the problem immobilism in Vietnam which is connected with instability caused by the absence of political initiatives and needed reforms (mainly the political one). Attention is also drawn to the need for the development of a theory of factionalism. Key words: The Communist Party of Vietnam, factional theories, political system of Vietnam

"Communist Women in the 1920s" is about the women, who established the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and worked to build it up. It describes women of Czech nationality in the territory of the Czech lands during the period 1921-1929. The focus is mostly on the women's headquarters, which directed the work. Following political, social-economical and cultural levels, interest is also paid to the psychological aspect. The theses is divided into thematical chapters, each depicting events chronologically. The introductory chapter presents the reasons, why some women turned to the left and others to the right in the Social Democratic Party. Subsequent chapters describe the organization of women in the Communist Party, their concrete workload, life style of working-class women and functionaries, relations with the Soviet Russia, intraparty political development, comparison with other parties and biographies of female communist functionaries. In this work were used archival materials (mostly records of party meetings and personal materials located in the National Archive in Prague), contemporary women's newspapers and memoires of women.

(in English) The author tries to describe the transformation of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in relation to itself and the surrounding environment, especially in the period from 17th November to 21st December 1989. He will use primarily the articles from Rudé právo and a stenographic record of the unscheduled session of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia on 24th and 26th November 1989 which was published under the name Poslední hurá. He considers it appropriate to put into context the events of November and December 1989, with political development in Czechoslovakia in January, at the turn of June and July, and in October 1989. This analysis attempt will be based on the principles of general linguistics of Ferdinand de Saussure and discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. The combination of hegemonic analysis and deconstruction will be used as a method of workflow. When analyzing the transformation of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, the author attempts to rely primarily on three principles deriving from discourse theory. The identity is not a fixed essence but it is created in the political struggles of the content of specific concepts. There have been attempts to fully fixate the identity of individuals, groups, society. But the identity is...

(thefts of socialist property) This diploma thesis observes how the problems of thefts of socialist property in Czechoslovakia were presented in the Rudé právo, the press body of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, between 1986 and 1989, or which discrepancies appeared in this presentation. The view on thefts of socialist property in the terms of law comes before the real core of the thesis - by putting stress on the definition of the socialist property in the Constitution, the given criminal act in the Penal Code, the view of the juristic literature on the social dangerousness of the given action, here represented by the Socialistická zákonnost journal. Afterwards the author focuses on how the problems of thefts (but also that of protection) of socialist property were related to the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (or rather to its officials), top managers and rank and file employees, which he illustrates on particular cases. In the end the author compares the articles of the Rudé právo with some empirical findings - in relation to the survey of the Institute for public opinion poll by the Federal statistical office about the discipline and the check on the workplace, in relation to the statistics about the economic criminal activity mentioned in the German written...

(in English): This work deals with the formation of party historiography in fifties and sixties of the twentieth century. It examines this issue in two ways. The first level is the institutionalization of party historiography at Faculty of Arts of Charles University. Establishment, development and abolition of the department of the History of the Communist party (History of Working class movement) is explored with focusing on key turning points in 1953 (establishment of the department), 1958 (restriction of teaching staff), 1964 (reorganization, merger and establishment of the department of the History of Working class movement) and 1970 (abolition of the department). Teaching staff is examined and attention is paid to the efforts to create typological profile of chair historians, who were part of emerging generation of party historians. The second level of the research is the participation of party historians in shaping and formulating new historical narratives, that provided legitimazing framework of communist project to social transformation. Attention is paid to possibilities and limits of party historiography in social and political context and its methodological base is also examined. The development of party historiography is divided into three phases - the phase of stalinist discourse, the...

The thesis deals with the Czechoslovak communist politician Gustáv Husák in connection with the cause of the Slovak bourgeois nationalism. It is structured chronologically, sometimes interspersed with thematic areas. It draws from a wide variety of sources. The prevailing approach is positivistic and analytical. The aim is to explain the emergence of the cause of the Slovak bourgeois nationalism and the way in which Husák was incorporated into it. The work points to a pivotal link with the international context and reveals poor relations between leading Party officials. Furthermore, the thesis raises issues of Husák's political fall, fabricated charges, imprisonment and subsequently the complexity of the rehabilitation process, at the end of which Husák's Communist Party membership was restored and a further political career remained a possibility. Additionally, the text tries to consider to a large extent the social relations between different participants and understand their motives of behavior. All of this is also put into perspective with respect to Czech-Slovak relations, which were significantly influenced by the aforementioned cause. The intention of the work deliberately exceeds the biographical theme.

This diploma thesis approaches the life story of one of the very important Czech historians postwar historiography, which has so far been overlooked, however. The work does not try to give information only about the life and works of Joseph Novotny, but classifies the historian in the context of time, focusing on his views and attitudes, which supported the communist ideology of the 60th of the 20 century, which was a great supporter. The author in creating the present study was based primarily on personal collection of Josef Novotný, which is stored in the Archives of the National Museum in Prague, Josef Novotny's work itself, the literature on the history of the First Republic, Second Republic and the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, not least in the literature used to history of the historiography of the late 20th century. The work is divided into five chapters. The first chapter gives information about the life of Joseph Novotny. From second to fifth chapter are portrayed his personal attitudes and opinions of the historical situation until 30 years until the early 40th of the 20 century. About Josef Novotny are not yet issued any publication that would cover his life and work. Even literature is silent about him most. Therefore, the author sees the biggest benefit is that the present study provided information about the historian, who has been neglected Czech historiography, and perhaps opened a new research topic that can be developed further historians.

Submitted by RODRIGO ISMAEL FRANCISCO MAIA null (rodrigomaiacs@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-01-09T01:47:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação RODRIGO - final.pdf: 978487 bytes, checksum: 2f64a5329e3ef10ebe5e3b495f2b3d8b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-01-11T18:38:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 maia_rif_me_mar.pdf: 978487 bytes, checksum: 2f64a5329e3ef10ebe5e3b495f2b3d8b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-11T18:38:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 maia_rif_me_mar.pdf: 978487 bytes, checksum: 2f64a5329e3ef10ebe5e3b495f2b3d8b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Questa dissertazione ha lo scopo di capire le relazione tra il Partito Comunista Italiano(PCI) e il Partito Comunista Portoghese (PCP) rispetto il processo di integrazione europeo che si è concluso con l'Unione Europea (UE), rilevando la connessione fra politica interna e estera nelle strategie dei partiti. In Italia e Portogallo, lo stabilimento della democrazia faceva parte della strategia dei due PC, i quali avevano ampie basi nelle classi lavoratrici. La tenuta della autoorganizzazione delle classi lavoratrici e la fine dei processi di agitazione sociale portarono alla normalità democratica e alla internazionalizzazione economica, liberale. Il PCI, promuovendo la sua particolare via italiana al socialismo, ha collaborato con la formazione della Comunità Economica Europea (CEE), il PCP che inizialmente la rifiutava, ha iniziato a prenderla come fonte di benefici in difesa dalla democrazia. Lo sviluppo sociale della CEE è stato disuguale e combinato, grazie al quale i paesi sono diventati parte del mercato comune mentre la frammentazione devastava il mondo del lavoro. L'isolamento è stata una prima sconfitta per i due PC nei governi nazionali, e un'altra è stata la impossibilità di andare avanti con la strategia delle riforme in direzione al socialismo. Al fallimento pratico e ideologico si è aggiunto quello politico al momento della conclusione della UE e della crisi finale della sinistra comunista internazionale, quando il PCI ha deciso per lo scioglimento e il PCP per la continuità ortodossa. / Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de compreender as relações entre o Partido Comunista Italiano (PCI) e o Partido Comunista Português (PCP) a respeito do processo de integração europeu que culminou na União Europeia (EU), destacando a conexão entre a política interna e externa nas estratégias dos partidos. Na Itália e em Portugal, a instauração do regime democrático fazia parte da estratégia dos dois PCs, os quais possuíam amplas bases nas classes trabalhadoras. O estancamento das auto-organizações das classes trabalhadoras e o fim dos processos de efervescência social levaram à normalidade democrática e à internacionalização das economias, liberalizando-as. O PCI, promovendo sua particular via italiana ao socialismo, colaborou com a formação da Comunidade Econômica Europeia (CEE), o PCP que inicialmente a recusava, passou a tomá-la como fonte de benefícios em defesa da democracia. O desenvolvimento social da CEE foi desigual e combinado, no qual os países passaram a fazer parte do mercado comum ao mesmo tempo em que a fragmentação assolava o mundo do trabalho. O isolamento foi uma primeira derrota dos dois PCs nos governos nacionais, e a outra foi a impossibilidade de avançar com a estratégia de reformas rumo ao socialismo. À falência prática e ideológica se somou a política no limiar da efetivação da UE e diante da crise terminal da esquerda comunista internacional, quando o PCI decidiu pelo desmanche e o PCP pelo prosseguimento ortodoxo. / This thesis aims to understand the relationships between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) about the European integration process which culminated in the EU, highlighting the connection between domestic and foreign policy in strategies of the parties. In Italy and Portugal, the establishment of the democratic system was part of the strategy of the two PCs, which had broad-based in the working class. The stagnation of the selforganization of the working classes and the end of social unrest processes have led to democratic normality and the internationalization of economies, liberalizing them. The PCI, promoting their particular Italian via to socialism, collaborated with the formation of the European Economic Community (EEC), the PCP that initially refused, began to take it as a source of benefits in defense of democracy. The EEC's social development was uneven and combined, in which countries became part of the common market at the same time the fragmentation ravaged the world of work. The isolation was a first defeat of the two PCs in national governments, and the other was the impossibility to move forward with the strategy of reforms toward socialism. To the practical and ideological failure was joined the politics at the threshold of execution of the EU, in front of the terminal crisis of the international communist left, when the PCI decided for dismantle and the PCP to the orthodox continuation.

Orientador: Marcos Del Roio / Abstract: This thesis aims to understand the relationships between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) about the European integration process which culminated in the EU, highlighting the connection between domestic and foreign policy in strategies of the parties. In Italy and Portugal, the establishment of the democratic system was part of the strategy of the two PCs, which had broad-based in the working class. The stagnation of the selforganization of the working classes and the end of social unrest processes have led to democratic normality and the internationalization of economies, liberalizing them. The PCI, promoting their particular Italian via to socialism, collaborated with the formation of the European Economic Community (EEC), the PCP that initially refused, began to take it as a source of benefits in defense of democracy. The EEC's social development was uneven and combined, in which countries became part of the common market at the same time the fragmentation ravaged the world of work. The isolation was a first defeat of the two PCs in national governments, and the other was the impossibility to move forward with the strategy of reforms toward socialism. To the practical and ideological failure was joined the politics at the threshold of execution of the EU, in front of the terminal crisis of the international communist left, when the PCI decided for dismantle and the PCP to the orthodox continuation. / Astratto: Questa dissertazione ha lo scopo di capire le relazione tra il Partito Comunista Italiano(PCI) e il Partito Comunista Portoghese (PCP) rispetto il processo di integrazione europeo che si è concluso con l'Unione Europea (UE), rilevando la connessione fra politica interna e estera nelle strategie dei partiti. In Italia e Portogallo, lo stabilimento della democrazia faceva parte della strategia dei due PC, i quali avevano ampie basi nelle classi lavoratrici. La tenuta della autoorganizzazione delle classi lavoratrici e la fine dei processi di agitazione sociale portarono alla normalità democratica e alla internazionalizzazione economica, liberale. Il PCI, promuovendo la sua particolare via italiana al socialismo, ha collaborato con la formazione della Comunità Economica Europea (CEE), il PCP che inizialmente la rifiutava, ha iniziato a prenderla come fonte di benefici in difesa dalla democrazia. Lo sviluppo sociale della CEE è stato disuguale e combinato, grazie al quale i paesi sono diventati parte del mercato comune mentre la frammentazione devastava il mondo del lavoro. L'isolamento è stata una prima sconfitta per i due PC nei governi nazionali, e un'altra è stata la impossibilità di andare avanti con la strategia delle riforme in direzione al socialismo. Al fallimento pratico e ideologico si è aggiunto quello politico al momento della conclusione della UE e della crisi finale della sinistra comunista internazionale, quando il PCI ha deciso per lo scioglimento e il PCP per la / Resumo: Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de compreender as relações entre o Partido Comunista Italiano (PCI) e o Partido Comunista Português (PCP) a respeito do processo de integração europeu que culminou na União Europeia (EU), destacando a conexão entre a política interna e externa nas estratégias dos partidos. Na Itália e em Portugal, a instauração do regime democrático fazia parte da estratégia dos dois PCs, os quais possuíam amplas bases nas classes trabalhadoras. O estancamento das auto-organizações das classes trabalhadoras e o fim dos processos de efervescência social levaram à normalidade democrática e à internacionalização das economias, liberalizando-as. O PCI, promovendo sua particular via italiana ao socialismo, colaborou com a formação da Comunidade Econômica Europeia (CEE), o PCP que inicialmente a recusava, passou a tomá-la como fonte de benefícios em defesa da democracia. O desenvolvimento social da CEE foi desigual e combinado, no qual os países passaram a fazer parte do mercado comum ao mesmo tempo em que a fragmentação assolava o mundo do trabalho. O isolamento foi uma primeira derrota dos dois PCs nos governos nacionais, e a outra foi a impossibilidade de avançar com a estratégia de reformas rumo ao socialismo. À falência prática e ideológica se somou a política no limiar da efetivação da UE e diante da crise terminal da esquerda comunista internacional, quando o PCI decidiu pelo desmanche e o PCP pelo prosseguimento ortodoxo. / Mestre