The California of today is a union of complexities. It is a geographic giant composed of startling climatic and topographic variations. It is an economic elasticity satisfying the differing demands of agriculture, industry,and commerce. It is a social syncretism uniting a vast assortment of living patterns. With all of these diversities, California is a single, sovereign state. Within the state, however, there are two obvious sections: Northern and Southern California.1 They are separated, theoretically, by the Tehachapi mountain range, which runs east and west, on a line with the city of Santa Barbara. So pronounced is this sectionalism that Carey McWilliams said of it, "While other states have an east-west or a north-south division, in no state in the Union is the schism as sharp as in California."2 Even more forceful is the comment by John Gunther, "California is . . . two states; the dividing line is the Tehachapi . . . ."3 The distinction between Northern and Southern California, although it is more highly developed, is not the only manifestation of sectionalism within the state. Other geographic areas have also developed varying degrees of sectionalism. The subsequent rivalry of two or more localities has frequently intensified to become a movement to divide California. William Henry Ellison,6 in his monograph "The Movement for State Division in California, 1849-1860," presents a thorough study of this problem during the first decade of California's statehood. It is the purpose of this study to record the proposals for political division form 1860-1952. To understand the division attempts after 1860, it is appropriate to summarize the agitations prior to this period.

In the summer of 2000, divers recovered a large shipping crate from the wreck of the Brother Jonathan, a steamboat that sank off of Crescent City, California on 30 July 1865. Ownership of the crate was taken over by the state of California and was sent to Texas A&M’s Conservation Research Laboratory for excavation and conservation. As soon as work began, it became clear that the crate contained a shipment of a variety of hardware most likely destined for a general store as each of the artifacts discovered was found in high quantities. Also, there was a wide variety of artifacts discovered, tools, architectural pieces, food preparation, fur trapping, and personal items. The crate was shipped from San Francisco from the warehouse of the Russell and Erwin Manufacturing Company; however, its final destination is unknown. Records for this warehouse and for the boat were destroyed in the earthquake and fire of 1906, so the destination for these goods is purely speculative. Using information from the excavation of the crate and a historical analysis of the contents led to a plausible theory. After careful review, it seems most likely that the crate was intended for a general store in a small town with a rural customer base.

In the summer of 2000, divers recovered a large shipping crate from the wreck of the Brother Jonathan, a steamboat that sank off of Crescent City, California on 30 July 1865. Ownership of the crate was taken over by the state of California and was sent to Texas A&M’s Conservation Research Laboratory for excavation and conservation. As soon as work began, it became clear that the crate contained a shipment of a variety of hardware most likely destined for a general store as each of the artifacts discovered was found in high quantities. Also, there was a wide variety of artifacts discovered, tools, architectural pieces, food preparation, fur trapping, and personal items. The crate was shipped from San Francisco from the warehouse of the Russell and Erwin Manufacturing Company; however, its final destination is unknown. Records for this warehouse and for the boat were destroyed in the earthquake and fire of 1906, so the destination for these goods is purely speculative. Using information from the excavation of the crate and a historical analysis of the contents led to a plausible theory. After careful review, it seems most likely that the crate was intended for a general store in a small town with a rural customer base.

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This thesis represents the close personal interest of the writer, one on which she has been reading for six years. The tragic events of the past three years have intensified the belief that if democracy ever overcomes the various "isms" which plague the world it will be because youth, through the schools, has become familiar with the ideals which have democracy birth and has developed a deep appreciation of the labor which enabled it to grow and flower. For this, a knowledge of the history of our country is not enough. Youth must know present problems and have the courage to face and the faith to overcome them. The richness of the California background has a particular appeal. Blending of the romance of Spain, the adventurous wanderlust of the Rocky Mountain men, the imperial dream of a Swiss, the land hunger of the emigrant, and the madness of the gold rush has given us a heritage different from that of any other state. This heritage of blood, combined with one equally rich in natural resources, offers a challenge no social studies teacher can ignore. This thesis consists of three parts: an introduction, a syllabus, and an appendix. The introduction gives the writer's ideas of the aims and objectives of such a course, the kind of room and equipment needed, and methods that should be used. The syllabus has been prepared in the form that would be used in the high schools of Sacramento. Each student would be given a mimeographed copy of each unit and would use it as a work outline. The first six units provide a background upon which the student would build his continued interest in the subject as he developed it in Unit VII. The appendix is a collection of miscellaneous materials to illustrate how the course can be made more interesting. The photographic work in the thesis is by James Stephens, a student in the department of education at the University of California, majoring in visual education at the University of California, majoring in visual education, and Jack Curtis and Parker Gilbert, students at C. K. McClatchy Senior HIgh School.

Migration, ethnicity and cultural pattern are reviewed. The research questions how accurately the prehistoric archaeologist can interpret migration and ethnicity by means of a review of the modern migration of a group of Russian sectarians to Baja California, Mexico. Excavations undertaken in seven households at different levels of assimilation with their Mexican and Indian neighbors suggests that material culture does reflect ethnicity under these best of all archaeological circumstances. A methodology for the determination of prehistoric migrations is suggested. It concludes that "cultural pattern" is a more useful concept than "ethnicity" in the determination of archaeological migrations.

The history of California's Basque boardinghouses, or ostatuak, is the subject of this dissertation. To date, scholarly literature on ethnic boardinghouses is minimal and even less has been written on the Basque "hotels" of the American West. As a result, conclusions in this study rely upon interviews, census records, local directories, early maps, and newspapers. The first Basque boardinghouses in the United States appeared in California in the decade following the gold rush and tended to be outposts along travel routes used by Basque miners and sheepmen. As more Basques migrated to the United States, clusters of ostatuak sprang up in communities where Basque colonies had formed, particularly in Los Angeles and San Francisco during the late nineteenth century. In the years between 1890 and 1940, the ostatuak reached their zenith as Basques spread throughout the state and took their boardinghouses with them. This study outlines the earliest appearances of the Basque ostatuak, charts their expansion, and describes their present state of demise. The role of the ostatuak within Basque-American culture and a description of how they operated is another important aspect of this dissertation. Information from interviews supports the claim that the ostatua was the most important social institution among Americanuak during peak years of Basque immigration. Since a majority of the Basque sojourners who arrived before 1930 were unmarried, unable to speak English, and intended to return to the Old World within a decade of their arrival, the Basque-American often substituted his "hotel" contacts for his Old World family. At the ostatuak, he found a familiar language and cuisine, as well as an employment agency, a place to vacation, translating services, an occasional loan, explanations of his host culture, and new friends from old villages. This history of California's ostatuak is the first of its kind and encourages future research on Basque boardinghouses throughout the American West.

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