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This thesis studies the nature of the ideas on federal government in the Canadian discussion of Confederation, 1864-1867. It is held that a federal state as such was not intended by the Canadian government, nor was it expected by the Canadian people. A federal state may be defined as a system of government wherein central and provincial authority is coordinate and independent, each of whose powers within a given legislative field are plenary. This thesis maintains that such a system of government was not what Canadians intended when they applied the word "federal" to the constitution framed at Quebec in October, 1864. What Canadians wanted was, by and large, a legislative union coupled with local guarantees for local rights and local privileges. Their intention was to form a strong central government and to relegate sectional issues to semi-dependent sectional institutions. Thus all the elements of strength in the existing legislative union were to be preserved, while the problems which had weakened the union would be removed by being taken up in the elasticity of of a "federal" system. In their consideration of a new constitution, Canadians turned instinctively to their own past experience in an essentially British system of government. The idea of legislative union remained predominant in the minds of Canadians. Quite simply, they preferred to walk in old paths as long as possible. Canadian ideas regarding federalism clearly reveal the limitations imposed by the Canadian political inheritance. The example of American federalism only reinforced Canadian prejudice. The effect of American ideas was largely to make Canadians cling the more uncritically to their own traditions of government. They saw in the United States disruptive forces clearly manifest in the Civil War. Federalism, they reasoned, was therefore dangerously centrifugal in its implications. Thus they sought rather to avoid federalism than to follow it. Canadians tended to follow the old way as much as possible. Undoubtedly the French required concessions and guarantees, but they were given no more than would be necessary to carry the project in Lower Canada. The intention of the Canadian cabinet reflects the basic feelings and the basic limitations of Canadians on the subject of federal government. This thesis attempts to show in detail the ideas regarding federalism which lay behind the policy of the Canadian government, to show by reference to contemporary opinion how deeply Confederation was rooted in Canadian experience and in British political tradition. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

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Many of the institutions of Canada are modelled upon those of Great Britain. Since the origin of the Canadian question period are founded on those of Great Britain, a brief preliminary discussion of the British practices is necessary. Thus the first chapter of this thesis will be devoted to a study of the question period at Westminster, from its origins in 1731 until it evolved into its modern form in the closing years of the nineteenth century. [...]

The peaceful handing over of the reins of government is an important symbol of democracy and is arguably the distinctive feature of representative government. Often taken for granted in democratic jurisdictions, peaceful transition is one of the most important elements in the ongoing evolution of modern politics. Throughout history there have been varying types and various levels of success of transitions of power, depending on the circumstance and political environment applicable to each case. In Canada, one type of transition has remained largely unstudied - that in which a new leader takes over government by succeeding someone from his/her own political party - generally referred to as an intra-party transition. This is because intra-party transitions have traditionally been seen as less dramatic and therefore less noteworthy than transitions that include a change from one party to another. Furthermore, intra-party transitions typically occur near the end of a political cycle and are therefore closely followed by a general election. If the new intra-party leader loses the subsequent election, that leader's transition is seen as less noteworthy. In fact, in recent Canadian history, at both the provincial and federal level, there have been only two significant occasions in which intra-party leaders have come from behind to successfully defend their party's right to govern in the next general election: Ralph Klein in Alberta in 1993 and Glen Clark in British Columbia in 1996. This study analyzes all provincial intra-party transitions from 1960 to the present. From this analysis, a continuum has been formed from which these transitions will be assessed as to their relative degree of success or failure. It is argued here that the Clark and Klein intra-party transitions represent a specific "pod" or "cluster" within this continuum and as a result, deserve specific analysis. O f both, the principal question asked is: why, in the face of significant obstacles and contrary to historical precedent, did these transitions succeed? Further questions include; how can this success be defined and measured, what factors led to this success, were these cases equally successful and if not, why? Ultimately these two successful transitions are compared to one of the most unsuccessful intra-party transitions in modern Canadian history, that being the succession of Frank Miller from Bill Davis in Ontario in 1984. The final section of this study involves a test of key exogenous and endogenous variables that may or may not impact the success or failure of these three intra-party transition case studies. Particular attention will be paid to the ability of these new leaders to effectively distance themselves from their predecessors and how quickly and effectively they were able to put their own 'stamp' or 'footprint' on their respective new governments. In the end, it is hoped that these three case studies will provide important lessons and prescriptive insights not only for students of parliamentary politics and public administration but for practitioners and future leaders as well.

This thesis seeks to explain why Canadians have been unable to reach consensus on the meaning of Canadian citizenship and on the issue of how they relate to one another as citizens. Rather than adopt a longitudinal approach to this dilemma, that is explaining why it has persisted over time, this study focuses on the 1987 Meech Lake Constitutional Accord, and specifically the provision recognizing Quebec as a "distinct society within Canada". This thesis treats the Accord as a microcosm of the larger "Canadian question". Applying the covenantal and compactual traditions in politics to the Canadian experience, this essay argues that the source of Canadian discord lies in the inability to agree on the essential nature of federalism and political community in Canada. This development has made it difficult for citizens to construct covenantal relations which would bind Canadians together in a lasting political arrangement, free of seemingly perennial constitutional "crises".

This thesis has two main purposes. The first is to trace those particular facets of the development of Canada from the British colony of 1867 to the modern nation-state of 1939 that have to do with the gradual growth of Canadian control over external affairs. The second is to bring together as much as possible of the vast body of writing that has appeared over the years on this part of Canadian development. All aspects of the growth of control over external affairs have been treated many times, often far more thoroughly than has been possible within the bounds of this study, but no one, within the knowledge of the writer, has attempted to make a single study of this vital portion of Canadian history. An extensive bibliography is included. The section entitled "General Works" is not intended to be anything more than a useful list of background reading. In the sections entitled "Primary Sources" and "Secondary—Specific" as far as possible everything available in the Library of the University of British Columbia with direct bearing on the problem is listed, with comments where it has seemed these would be helpful. Throughout the thesis it has been taken as fundamental that this development has been the result of the free urge to growth inherent in a vital democratic society. The point of view has been taken that once Canada was conceded responsible government, the development of full Canadian control over all matters, both internal and external, was bound to follow, and that no schemes, such as Imperial Federation, for keeping Canada permanently in a position subordinate to Great Britain could have succeeded. Throughout, those attitudes, not only in Canada and Britain, but also in the rest of the world, that have encouraged or discouraged this development, have been discussed. This is done in particular detail in the first chapter, which describes the extent of Canadian control over external affairs at Confederation, and the attitudes towards the future of the new Dominion then prevalent in Britain and Canada. The first area in which Canada achieved full control over her external relationships was in commercial matters. The second chapter covers this, from the first inclusion of a Canadian to assist a British plenipotentiary to the final achievement of the Halibut Treaty, signed by the Canadian negotiator alone. To control her external relations, it was necessary for Canada to control her own defence. This is covered in chapter three. In chapter four are discussed the developments of status and the first real international recognition of that status achieved during World War I and at the Peace Conferences. Through the part she played in the League, Canada gained further international recognition of her new status, as described in chapter five. Chapters six and seven cover the development of machinery adequate for growing Canadian control over external affairs, both at Ottawa, in the Department of External Affairs, and in representation abroad, culminating in the right of legation. The final two chapters trace the changing position of Canada in the Empire-Commonwealth. During the period to 1922, the tendency towards centralization of foreign policy appeared dominant, but always it was faced with the growing strength of Canadian nationalism. In the period 1922-1939, full control over external affairs was achieved and it was recognized that Canada was bound by no international obligations that she had not assumed by her own act. Even the final control over war and peace was achieved. Finally, a brief attempt is made to evaluate this development in the light of the attitudes that produced it and of the place of Canada in the modern world. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

No abstract included. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate