This paper is an attempt to determine the functions of penitentiary statistics and research for the structure of the Canadian Penitentiary Service. The penitentiary structure is defined as a bureaucracy and the statistics and research program as one of its sub-structures. By studying penitentiary statistics and research some insight is gained into this system operating as a bureaucratic organization. From an historical study of the Penitentiary Service it was found that little research has been done. Furthermore, limited reliance has been placed by penitentiary administrators on statistics and research in decision-making. Major changes in policy resulted from the findings of official enquiries. The major function of existing statistics seems to have been the public accounting of Service operations. With the adoption of inmate rehabilitation as an operating philosophy, the more complex administrative situation which has resulted seems to require increased reliance on a statistics and research program in order to achieve this new goal of the Penitentiary Service. While the need for an expanded statistics and research program in penitentiary administration has been recognized, shortage of funds has necessitated reliance on the Dominion Bureau of Statistics for guidance and implementation of this operation. The involvement of the Bureau has resulted, in the provision of statistics sufficient for public accounting purposes at considerable savings to the Service. However, considering the immediate needs of the Service for increased statistical data and a variety of research studies, the major participation of the Dominion Bureau of Statistics would seem to have a limiting effect on the program from two points of view. Information arising from this study indicates that the ability of the Dominion Bureau of Statistics to produce the required data is insufficient for the optimal operation of the penitentiary statistics and research program. Secondly, the involvement of an outside agency in the program seems to have been interpreted unfavourably by the penitentiary staff, with the result that accuracy of statistical data and internal acceptance of the statistics and research program have been impaired. This research suggests as a general conclusion that it is profitable to study correctional agencies in terms of the theory of complex organizations. More specifically the information obtained indicates that, in order to achieve its present goal of inmate rehabilitation, the Canadian Penitentiary bureaucracy is dependent on the development of an efficient statistics and research program for which there seems to be no functional alternative. Consideration of the administrative arrangements necessary to make this program maximally functional for the penitentiary bureaucracy has led to the conclusion that requirements of efficiency, staff acceptance of this program and therefore ultimate achievement of bureaucratic goals, demand that the Service assume increased control over policy and operation of its program of statistics and research . / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

The issue of nonresponse to surveys is a serious problem in survey research because it reduces the amount of information obtained, creates a significant nuisance for data analysis and may introduce bias into the survey results by flawing the representativeness of the target population under investigation. This paper examines item-nonresponse and "don't know" responses in the General Social Survey of Canada of 1985 and comments specifically on the different effects of personal and telephone interviewing technique on rate of item omission. The effect of sensitivity of the question, and position of the item in the questionnaire on nonresponse are also examined in an exploratory descriptive analysis. Results of an analysis of variance and multiple regression/correlation indicate that both sensitivity and position are factors influencing item omission. In addition, demographic characteristics were found to be significantly and differentially correlated with item omission and "don't know" responses by topic area for the survey under investigation. The results of this study further demonstrate that telephone interviewing significantly increases the rate of item omission, especially for questions on social support.

The questions: "who becomes a provincial premier?", "what is a premier's career pattern?", and "does selection process make a difference in the type of person that becomes premier?" are answered in this study. A series of 22 political and socio-economic variables was collected for each of the 185 men who have been provincial premiers between July 1, 1867 and July 1, 1987. After the data set was created, analysis by province and party was then performed. The response to "who becomes a provincial premier" shows that premiers are not typical of the electorate that they represent. Provincial premiers, on average, are Protestant lawyers who come to office at age 48.6. These men usually have a post-secondary education, and are born in the province of which they become premier. Three distinct career patterns are found when one answers the question "what is a premier's career pattern?". The first, and most common path, is the replacement of one premier by another while the party is in government. The second path, and the least frequented, is the "comeback" route. This occurs when an individual is in government, goes into the opposition, becomes party leader, and comes back to government as premier. The third path to the premiership is via the post of leader of the opposition. An individual following this path is leader of the opposition party and wins an election to become premier. Each of the 185 premiers followed one of these distinct paths to office. Parliamentary and cabinet experience, years as party leader before becoming premier, duration as premier, and reason for leaving the premiership each vary, when analyzed by path to power. The response to the third question is that the selection process makes a difference in the type of person that becomes premier. Convention chosen premiers, in contrast to caucus chosen premiers, are younger, have more diverse occupational backgrounds, and have less parliamentary and cabinet experience. Convention chosen leaders have a longer duration in office. Comparison of results with parallel studies of Australian state premiers, national party leaders, federal cabinet ministers, and provincial cabinet members, shows that Canadian provincial premiers are unique in their background and career progression. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

No description available.

Official statistics provide us with some of our most important insights into crime and the criminal justice system. Sociologists, however, have generally not examined the institutions which produce these statistics. "Making Crime Count" addresses this lacuna through a study of the Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics (CCJS), which is Canada's sole source for national criminal justice statistics. To do so it employs a methodological combination of focused interviews, participant observation and documentary analysis. The availability of criminal justice statistics has fostered a distinctive approach to the governance of crime and criminal justice. A form of 'actuarial justice' has emerged whereby crime is increasingly understood as a statistical probability rather than a moral failing. At the same time, criminal justice statistics render criminal justice organizations amenable to governmental strategies that aim to manage the system. To examine the means by which the Centre has been able to produce its statistics, I draw from contemporary work in the sociology of science which emphasizes the role of complex knowledge networks in the production of scientific facts. Within the Centre's 'knowledge network' assorted elements and institutions must be aligned. We document the ways in which the CCJS is in continual negotiation with the police in order to secure data for the 'uniform crime report' survey. The Centre's controversial 1990 proposal to collect race/crime data is also explored as an example of the power and politics of official classifications. Although the Centre must maintain the appearance of being apolitical, they are occasionally engaged in micro- political negotiations in order to produce their statistics. We document the role that different jurisdictions play in shaping the Centre's knowledge production regime. Once their statistics are collected, there can be negotiations over how they should be publicized. The style of presentation employed by the CCJS is ultimately influenced by organizational constraints, audience considerations and epistemic concerns. The overall results of this research underline the importance for authors writing on 'governmentality' to consider the means through which governmental knowledge is produced.

The selective success of women in traditionally male dominated fields is identified as a paradox whose explanation will have implications for the issue of the under representation of women in science and engineering programs. Trends in degree attainment by sex science and engineering are examined in the context of degree attainment in all traditionally male dominated degree programs in order to generate empirically based hypotheses. Because research designs in use for quantitative data in sociology are much better designed to test hypotheses than to generate new ones, an important aspect of this study is its development of a new analytical strategy. In order to effectively explore the available data, the existing statistics for degree attainment in traditionally male dominated fields for both sexes over the 1962-1989 period are converted to graphical display and analysed visually. The organization of the graphical displays developed is consistent with basic aspects of the comparative, exploratory research strategy advocated by Glaser and Strauss and graphical display techniques of Tufte. Findings show that the largest gains in representation in traditionally male dominated disciplines have been in those where the associated professions or occupations are typically autonomous self-employed professions rather than positions in large organizations. These findings further suggest processes that may be contributing the continued under representation of women in the physical sciences and engineering.

Official statistics provide us with some of our most important insights into crime and the criminal justice system. Sociologists, however, have generally not examined the institutions which produce these statistics. "Making Crime Count" addresses this lacuna through a study of the Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics (CCJS), which is Canada's sole source for national criminal justice statistics. To do so it employs a methodological combination of focused interviews, participant observation and documentary analysis. The availability of criminal justice statistics has fostered a distinctive approach to the governance of crime and criminal justice. A form of 'actuarial justice' has emerged whereby crime is increasingly understood as a statistical probability rather than a moral failing. At the same time, criminal justice statistics render criminal justice organizations amenable to governmental strategies that aim to manage the system. To examine the means by which the Centre has been able to produce its statistics, I draw from contemporary work in the sociology of science which emphasizes the role of complex knowledge networks in the production of scientific facts. Within the Centre's 'knowledge network' assorted elements and institutions must be aligned. We document the ways in which the CCJS is in continual negotiation with the police in order to secure data for the 'uniform crime report' survey. The Centre's controversial 1990 proposal to collect race/crime data is also explored as an example of the power and politics of official classifications. Although the Centre must maintain the appearance of being apolitical, they are occasionally engaged in micro- political negotiations in order to produce their statistics. We document the role that different jurisdictions play in shaping the Centre's knowledge production regime. Once their statistics are collected, there can be negotiations over how they should be publicized. The style of presentation employed by the CCJS is ultimately influenced by organizational constraints, audience considerations and epistemic concerns. The overall results of this research underline the importance for authors writing on 'governmentality' to consider the means through which governmental knowledge is produced. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

No description available.

The transfer of copies of vital event records into a government archives repository is necessary not only to ensure their ongoing preservation, but also to provide access and accessibility to them for all researchers in an appropriate setting. At present all vital event records gatekeepers in Canada, except two, do not have in place a system providing for such regular transferral. The central reason for this lack of process is the assumption that vital event records are somehow different in kind, and not just in type, from other public records that contain personal information. This thesis evaluates that assumption through an analysis of the history of vital statistics legislation and a comparative study of the privacy regime of that legislation with the legislative regime of access to information and privacy. Having done these two studies, the thesis then recommends a way in which legal transfer from the gatekeepers to the repository can be achieved. That recommendation is, first, that all discussion regarding access must be accomplished before their acquisition. Secondly, their acquisition and accessibility must be based upon the expiration of time—limits.

This study argues that previous investigations of the gender gap have concentrated almost exclusively on the behaviour of women voters and have underestimated the electoral significance of men. Employing public opinion surveys and rational choice theory of coalitions, it contends that men's voting behaviour is a key factor in modern elections and that by investigating male voters as people affected by their gender, the gender gap can be better explained. The study finds that the relative importance of the gender gap in Canada may be declining as parties contending to form the government display less gender division in their support, and significant gender differences in the 1997 election are found only in the more extreme parties, like the New Democratic Party and, especially, the Reform Party. Significant gender-related support for the Liberal Party is found to be concentrated in the Trudeau era. The gender gap in Reform Party support is attributed to differences over capitalism, feminism and the use of force. A theoretical model of gender block behaviour is developed using rational choice theory, and the power of the male voting block is demonstrated. Cohesion, elasticity, positioning, size and turnout are identified as important measures of block power, with cohesion and elasticity the most important variable in the gender gap. The gender gap is shown to not be an automatic advantage for women, and that sometimes it works against women's interests. The final chapter discusses the effect of situational and socialisation constraints on attitutudes towards violence, 'masculinized opportunity' and the reactionary backlash against feminism.