Police-community consultative committees illustrate the enhanced community responsibility and participation in policing efforts. The primary objectives of these groups are to increase communication between the police and the community, to improve police/community relations, and serve as a forum where the community and police can share information and mutually identify concerns. In this study, the emergence of police-community consultative committees in Ottawa-Carleton is examined within the context of police partnerships. This thesis focuses on five police community consultative committees in the Ottawa-Carleton region. The findings suggest that police representatives on the committees have made commendable efforts to establish partnerships between the police and the community, but obstacles appear to hinder the process. These obstacles include a perception among many of the police representatives that there is a lack of organizational support for community policing, that committee members may not be clear as to their roles and responsibilities on consultative committees, and that committees may not be representative of the community they represent. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

L'interet premier de cette etude est l'analyse de l'evolution de la legislation sur le controle des armes a feu (art. 105); en mettant l'accent sur le role des "acteurs sociaux". Dans cette optique, il a ete juge pertinent d'etudier les modifications apportees a cette loi sur une periode d'un siecle, soit de 1892 a 1992. Afin d'explorer l'influence des acteurs sociaux par rapport a la creation de la loi, l'analyse portera sur l'evaluation des comptes rendus des debats parlementaires, des demandes de modification et du contexte. Notre objet consistait des lors a verifier l'existence d'un lien entre l'evolution de la legislation sur le controle des armes a feu (art. 105) et le contexte socio-politico-economique. La technique de collecte de donnes qui a ete privilegiee consista en une analyse documentaire des debats en Chambre et des demandes de modification. Le projet se devait d'opter pour une analyse qualitative du phenomene. Les resultats de l'analyse ont permis d'illustrer qu' a chacun des amendements amene a la loi au cours du siecle, etait rattache une situation contextuelle a laquelle certains acteurs reagissaient. Le processur legislatif, pour sa part, a temoigne plus clairement qu'espere qu'il etait fortement conduit par ces influences exterieures. Les changements dans la legislation semblent, en effet, suivre etroitement les mouvements dans les formations sociales.

This dissertation illustrates the role of Louisbourg in the enunciation and implementation of French imperial policies in the colonies of Isle Royale (Cape Breton), Isle St. Jean (Prince Edward Island) and the British colony of Nova Scotia between 1713 and 1758. It explains imperialism in the framework of the relations between the colonising nation and the colony and from the perspective of colonial or local initiatives. Based on an examination of the functioning of the government of Louisbourg under the control of the governor and commissaire ordonnateur and the pattern of the evolution of policies and decisions with regard to colonial administration this study demonstrates that French imperialism in the North Atlantic littoral was more a product of local political initiatives than that of metropolitan policies and programmes. The management of the fishery, commerce, and military affairs, as well as French relationships with the Mi'kmaq, the Maliseet and the Abenakis, the influence of the missionaries and Catholicism in Amerindian societies, the Native peoples' part in resisting Anglo-American colonial expansion, the distinct political and cultural position of the Acadians of Nova Scotia in favour of French imperial interests, and the nature of Anglo-French contest for empire substantiate this thesis. In brief, French imperialism in the context of Louisbourg and its seaboard empire was characterised by four principal aspects: first, the absence of large-scale successful combined land and naval operations designed to "conquer" the Amerindians and expel the British from Nova Scotia; second, the absence of the imposition of a centralised metropolitan policy of imperialism; third, the formation of an imperial power structure in the colony based on a linkage of colonial forces and facilities, and fourth, the formulation and implementation of imperial policy with, or without, the collaboration of the mother country. In general policies, strategies, tactics, and military operations of France's imperial system in Isle Royale and the "informal empire" (a zone of political influence without a recognised territorial base) in Nova Scotia were directed from within the colony. This process of empire building is defined as "imperialism from below" in this study.

This thesis is interested in how intersections of gender, race, and class inform the social and self constructions of identity in the lives of second generation ethnic Canadian women. It is based on the assumption that the social incompatibility of ethnicity and Canadian identity impacts on their political behaviour, and their sense of themselves as Canadian citizens. The thesis is composed of a theoretical discussion of the relevant literature, and the empirical results of fifteen interviews with the subjects in question. It attempts to demonstrate that the specificity of the subjects' identities is not being acknowledged by mainstream discourses on ethnicity, citizenship, and feminism, which are either gender blind, or define all ethnic women as immigrant women. While recognizing the importance of research on immigrant women, I would argue that such a label is not all encompassing, and in fact, casts the debate in a particular fashion: by suggesting that the immigrant experience is the central focus in the intersection of race and ethnicity, it obscures the significance underlying the consistent linking of ethnicity with immigration. In my discussion of the shortcomings inherent in such approaches, I conclude that there is a need for better understanding of the multiplicity of ethnic women's experiences, through the development of broader and more inclusive theoretical frameworks that seek to understand and theorize these complexities, rather than essentializing them.

The purpose of this research is to analyze statutory law that existed pre-1892 and consequently to present the backdrop of what existed before the actual Criminal Code. The research will concentrate specifically on the provinces of Lower Canada and of Nova Scotia for the time period of approximately 1850-1860 and will focus on the Revised Statutes of Nova Scotia of 1851 and the Consolidated Statutes of Lower Canada of 1860. The actual objective is twofold and will allow, firstly, for the presentation of the historical context and the development of penal law for these two provinces in order to demonstrate the emergence of the particular Statutes and, secondly, for the analysis of the actual sentencing provisions that are present in the two statutory documents. The present work is shedding light on a rather untouched domain of history of law and of sentencing provisions. The study reveals very interesting trends and patterns that have led to the development of these two statutory documents for each of the provinces concerned. One is able to see the importance of certain groups of elite in view of the existence of certain sanctioned behaviours as well as the whole process of legislative manoeuvres. As well, the contents of the Revised Statutes of Nova Scotia of 1851 and the Consolidated Statutes of Lower Canada of 1860 in terms of sentencing provisions, more specifically in reference to the offences against the person, demonstrate riveting sanctions and fascinating comparisons. In all, this research represents an important and relatively new view into the whole background of pre-1892 Criminal Code era in relation to statutory laws and sentencing provisions. The study provides for a window into the past that will serve to shed light on the laws of the present. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

"The Canadian Automation Controversy 1955-1969", examines the era in which Canadians confronted the prospect of "thinking machines" replacing human labour. The automation controversy arose because workers, threatened by the thought of computer-controlled machines replacing people, and business owners, excited by the prospects of lower production costs and increased productivity, sought in each their own way to control the pace and impact of technological change. The issues generating the controversy--how to and who should direct society's adjustment to technological change--are as old at least as the first industrial revolution and as current as nightly newscasts that describe Canada's attempts to cope with "economic restructuring." "Mechanization", "automation", "globalization"--are only different words to describe the same phenomenon of capital's drive to enhance productivity and increase returns to investment through technological innovation and workers' consequent fears of unemployment. Ultimately, the automation controversy was but one stage of the on-going ideological discourse concerning full employment in Canada and the respective roles and relative power of the State, labour and capital in promoting economic growth. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

L'objet de cette these est le livre Selling Illusions: The Cult of Multiculturalism in Canada, de Neil Bissoondath. L'hypothese avancee est que ce livre contient un discours reposant sur une mystification en faveur de l'ango-conformisme. Pour corroborer l'hypothese, l'analyse semiologique, telle que definie par Roland Barthes, est employee. Plus precisement, l'analyse porte sur trois themes: la signification de la politique du multiculturalisme, celle d'etre canadien et celle d'etre quebecois. Il en ressort que la signification de la politique du multiculturalisme suppose le mythe de la "ghettoisation ethnique". Elle suppose en outre qu'etre canadien repose sur un conformisme une culture unique et "ouverte", et s'il est normal que l'identite quebecoise implique avant tout le francais, il serait normal que cela soit aussi le cas de l'identite canadienne avec une seule et unique langue: l'anglais.

Abstract Not Available.

Conventional theories of Canadian federalism revolve around the notion of dualism--the federal system is comprised of two levels of government; the national and provincial governments. This thesis argues that due to the changing nature of the Canadian political landscape, a more realistic interpretation of the federal model is that of multidimensional federalism, a model which allows for other orders of government to be included within the federal system. Currently, these other orders of government include municipalities, regional governments, school boards, and aboriginal governments. This paper examines from a theoretical standpoint why the conventional model of federalism no longer provides an accurate representative model, and why the multidimensional model is a more realistic interpretation. It then examines the legitimacy behind the inclusion of the four additional factors within the federal system. Finally, the Canada Works Infrastructure Program is used as a case study of multidimensional federalism in operation.

This dissertation focuses on the work-for-pay exchange between aboriginal people and immigrants of European stock--the two most prominent cultural groups in the early history of British Columbia--and follows the patterns of this exchange from its origins through to the 1970s. It examines both the material and the rhetorical construction of the "Indian" as a part of British Columbia's labour force, a process described as racialization, and emphasizes, as well, the transformation of meaning inherent in cross-cultural exchange. It is a province-wide analysis, the core of which is a micro-history of one aboriginal group, the Songhees people, who live in the area now occupied by Victoria, the capital city. This examination challenges the long-standing view that aboriginal people were bystanders in the economic development and industrialization of British Columbia outside, and after, the fur trade. From the establishment of the Colony of Vancouver Island in 1849, through Confederation with Canada in 1871 and to the 1885 completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway, aboriginal people comprised the majority of the population in present-day British Columbia, and the majority of the work force in agriculture, fishing, trapping and the burgeoning primary industries. This dissertation charts the subsequent decline in participation of aboriginal people in the capitalist economy from 1885 to 1970. Using a micro-historical study and close attention to aboriginal voices it offers a set of explanations for the changing proportions of work, both paid and unpaid, and state welfare payments. The micro-history reveals that the Songhees people engaged in two distinct but connected economies and were already familiar with forms of labour subordination prior to the European introduction of a capitalist economy. The Songhees participation in paid labour for Europeans was facilitated by these existing forms of labour organization and depended on the co-existence of their other economies; the Songhees used earnings from capitalist paid labour to expand their non-capitalist economies. After 1885, new state policies repressed the non-capitalist aboriginal economics and therefore diminished the underlying motivation for aboriginal participation in capitalist work. At the same time, an influx of labour-market competition and a variety of racialized laws and practices restricted the Songhees' ability to get work. Increasingly they were left with seasonal, low-skill and low-wage labour, a niche that maintained them so long as it was combined with a subsistence economy and involved the full participation of adult and adolescent family members. In the late 1940s and 1950s this pattern too was remade. Legal restrictions dramatically limited the subsistence economies; technological change curtailed the demand for seasonal labour in the canning, fishing and agricultural sectors, particularly affecting aboriginal women workers; and, compulsory schooling regulations began to reduce labour available to the family economy. At the same historic moment when the combined wage and subsistence economies ceased to be able to support them, the state extended some existing social welfare programs, such as Old Age Pension, to Indians, and expanded other programs, including Family Allowance, to all Canadians. In examining the patterns of aboriginal-non-aboriginal exchange relations over the long-term, this dissertation argues that high rates of unemployment and welfare-dependency among contemporary aboriginal communities are relatively recent historical phenomena, with observable roots and causes.