Discretion is commonly analyzed as the scope for choice set by formal superiors. This study aims at developing an alternative theory of discretion which also takes into account the assumptions of the actors in implementing positions. The theory is constructed with the purpose of being an empirical tool for analyzing discretion on a nation-wide basis and in a central-local government context. It concerns two main questions: to what extent does discretion vary and how can this variation be explained? The theory section concludes with a number of empirically testable hypotheses. The concept of discretion is defined as the scope for choice available to actors, in formally subordinate positions, vis-à-vis their superiors. It is seen as a special case of autonomy, as it is attributed to subordinates and primarily concerns one dimension of autonomy, namely freedom of action. In the second half of the study, the theory is applied empirically to the discretion available to Swedish local government Education Committees. A questionnaire study of all Education Committee Chairpersons and Chief Education Officers and in-depth interviews of a selected sample of these have been undertaken. The empirical study clearly indicates that there is variation in discretion. In spite of the uniformity of the system of governing local education, it is found that the limits for discretion are set differently by different Education Committee representatives. The variation follows a pattern which has been, at least partly, reconstructed. Variables which appear as important in explaining variation include: the extent to which the control system is regarded as efficient; the size and population density of the local authority; and individual traits such as length of experience and gender. However, our analysis also shows that these explanations are more valid in certain contexts than in others, which points the way for further research. / digitalisering@umu

The subject of fiscal federalism has been associated for many years with economics, in particular with the study of public finance. However, its political dimension is often neglected. This is the case in the conventional study of fiscal federalism in Malaysia, which focuses on the economic perspective. The aim of this thesis is to examine the design, implementation and problem of fiscal federalism in Malaysia as a political process in promoting national integration and the unity of the federation. This research is based on an intrinsic case study approach as the subject of fiscal federalism attracts strong public interest, which requires an in-depth study of the case. In doing this research, a combination of narrative report, statistical analysis and interview has been used. One of the significant findings of this research is that the design of fiscal federalism in Malaysia is essentially based not on the federal spirit, but on the strong central government theme imposed by the colonial authority concomitant to the historical and political background to the formation of the federation. As a result, today, fiscal federalism displays a federal bias and mounting centripetal forces, even to the extent of coercion on the states, making the federal government grow bigger and more dominant, financially and politically. Thus, the working of fiscal federalism depends not on what is enshrined in the Constitution and federal spirit but on centre-state political interactions. If states' politics are not affiliated with the ruling political party that control the federal government, federal-state fiscal relations will be strained. The effects are felt in petroleum royalties payments, disbursement of grants, borrowing and other form of fiscal 'sanction' imposed by federal executive supremacy. On the other hand, if the states are ruled by the same political party, they become financially complacent. To all intents and purposes, the exclusive control of revenue sources by the centre has enabled the federal government to prevent most states from falling to the opposition party, thus ensuring a majority in parliament. The outcome is that the states are subordinated and subservient to the centre and hence the futures of the states are subject to the federal government's 'unilateral action'. In the long run, Malaysia is moving towards becoming a unitary state. This is the antithesis of the federal spirit, and thus becomes a threat to the federation. Therefore, fiscal federalism is a crucial acid test of the viability of any federation. Fortunately, thus far, Malaysian federalism had passed the test, though the states find more pain than gain. In the final analysis, this thesis suggests that structural reform of the federal-states' financial arrangements should be undertaken in order to strengthen the states' finances and subsequently reduce the states' dependence on the largesse of the federal government for funds.

This study focussed on the transformation of the institutions of local government from deconcentration, delegation to devolution. This transformation can be looked at starting with the institutions inherited from the colonial era, which started after the Berlin Conference of 1884, which divided Africa among the western powers. Then the transformation, which took place immediately after independence / that is the period of 1960s, the changes made in the 1980s and finally the transformation taking place following the multiparty democracy in the 1990s. The study looked at decentralisation during the colonial period / decentralisation after independence, with a particular focus on the institutions under a single party system / transformation of local government under multiparty system. It also examined the challenges facing decentralisation in the SADC region.

[Truncated abstract] The objectives of this study are threefold: Firstly, to consider the relevance (to subnational state development) and adaptability (to globalisation) of federalism from a Western Australian perspective. Secondly, to consider the way in which various State Governments in Western Australia have implemented economic development policies to benefit from the global political economy. Finally, it proposes alternative mechanisms for guiding long-term economic development policy decision-making in Western Australia. This final objective is addressed in light of the findings of the first two. It is recognised that incremental changes are possible in full knowledge of the embedded nature of the policy-making process in Western Australia . . . In the case of Western Australia, subnational autonomy does not herald the end of the nationstate so much as a new stage in globalisation. In terms of how the Western Australian State Government attracts capital and labour investment, its history as an independent colony and its physical isolation from the other colonies have created the initial conditions that frame the policy-making process, which includes a set of drivers influencing the decisions that are made by State agents. Overall, the State Government continues to reinforce the State’s role as a peripheral resource supplier to the national and global political economy. Within this context, however, alternative strategies can be proposed that may contribute to the long-term sustainable development of the State’s economy.

Thesis (M.A.)--State University of New York at Binghamton, Department of Political Science, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Münster (Westfalen), 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 273-294).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--UCLA, 2008. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 268-280).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005. / Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xiv, 186 p.; also includes graphics. Includes bibliographical references (p. 133-139). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Calgary, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 252-262).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Indiana University, 1991. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [395]-420).