This thesis explores the ongoing Russo-Chechen conflict, which is one of the most intractable inter-group conflicts in the world. It analyzes the root causes of the Russo-Chechen conflict and discusses a number of key themes that are correlated to the consequences of the war and violence in Chechnya. This thesis also investigates the opportunity to improve the conflict situation and offers a systematic method of its resolution. The research is conducted through a number of qualitative data collection strategies such as interviewing, participant observation, and narrative analysis. Chechen refugees were interviewed in three countries- Azerbaijan, Canada, and the US. The research has resulted in a number of key findings. Those include but are not limited to the following: a) Thinking of conflict analysis and resolution as two separate fields would be misleading and unproductive. Instead, the former should inform the latter. It is true for any conflict case, including the Russo-Chechen conflict; b) A multimodal and multilevel approach to conflict analysis as well as an organic and multilevel approach to conflict resolution is needed in order to reach the objective of constructive conflict handling; c) Conflict resolution practices in Russia took place primarily within civil society organizations. The complexities of the Russo-Chechen conflict entail employing a number of different effective conflict transformation practices, which requires different conflict areas be addressed simultaneously; d) The Russo-Chechen war is not a religious- or culture-based war. However, both religion and culture have a strong motivational role in this conflict; e) Despite the severity of the conflict and the loss of human lives in Chechnya, most Chechens do not harbor hatred towards the Russian people; f) It is necessary that Chechens abandon their claims for full political independence, and Russians cease labeling the Chechens as terrorists to successfully transform the conflict; g) Even the most radical subjects interviewed for this study displayed some regrets that Chechnya did not follow the path of Tatarstan in the early 1990s, and h) Violence is not a solution to the problem. Furthermore, this thesis offers a comprehensive conflict resolution framework that includes forgiveness, peace education, storytelling, negotiating for mutual gains, interactive problem-solving workshops, and interfaith dialogue. The model offers an effective way to utilize informal conflict resolution methods that would involve all segments of population participating in the process of conflict transformation.

This thesis explores the ongoing Russo-Chechen conflict, which is one of the most intractable inter-group conflicts in the world. It analyzes the root causes of the Russo-Chechen conflict and discusses a number of key themes that are correlated to the consequences of the war and violence in Chechnya. This thesis also investigates the opportunity to improve the conflict situation and offers a systematic method of its resolution. The research is conducted through a number of qualitative data collection strategies such as interviewing, participant observation, and narrative analysis. Chechen refugees were interviewed in three countries- Azerbaijan, Canada, and the US. The research has resulted in a number of key findings. Those include but are not limited to the following: a) Thinking of conflict analysis and resolution as two separate fields would be misleading and unproductive. Instead, the former should inform the latter. It is true for any conflict case, including the Russo-Chechen conflict; b) A multimodal and multilevel approach to conflict analysis as well as an organic and multilevel approach to conflict resolution is needed in order to reach the objective of constructive conflict handling; c) Conflict resolution practices in Russia took place primarily within civil society organizations. The complexities of the Russo-Chechen conflict entail employing a number of different effective conflict transformation practices, which requires different conflict areas be addressed simultaneously; d) The Russo-Chechen war is not a religious- or culture-based war. However, both religion and culture have a strong motivational role in this conflict; e) Despite the severity of the conflict and the loss of human lives in Chechnya, most Chechens do not harbor hatred towards the Russian people; f) It is necessary that Chechens abandon their claims for full political independence, and Russians cease labeling the Chechens as terrorists to successfully transform the conflict; g) Even the most radical subjects interviewed for this study displayed some regrets that Chechnya did not follow the path of Tatarstan in the early 1990s, and h) Violence is not a solution to the problem. Furthermore, this thesis offers a comprehensive conflict resolution framework that includes forgiveness, peace education, storytelling, negotiating for mutual gains, interactive problem-solving workshops, and interfaith dialogue. The model offers an effective way to utilize informal conflict resolution methods that would involve all segments of population participating in the process of conflict transformation.

Yes / The Russo-Chechen conflict, arguably the bloodiest confrontation in Europe since World War II, only attracts the attention of the Western media when the Chechens stage terrorist ‘spectaculars’ such as the ‘Nord-Ost’ or Beslan school sieges. Putin's uncompromisingly tough line against the Chechens is popular among an ethnic Russian electorate traumatised since its own ‘Black September’ in 1999. Since 9/11 this conflict has been presented almost exclusively as Russia's frontline in the international ‘war on terrorism’. All Chechens who oppose Putin's policies in Chechnya are dismissed as ‘terrorists’ and ‘bandits’. Yet a satisfactory political resolution of the conflict seems far off; thousands of Chechen civilians continue to suffer and die. Russia's attempt at ‘Chechenisation’ of the conflict appears to have achieved its ‘Palestinisation’. How far has the policy of demonising the Chechens, which helped Yeltsin and Putin to launch their respective wars, become a major obstacle to peace in Chechnya?

Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses. / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / 2031-01-02

The Russian invasion of Chechnya in December 1994 represented the culmination of a crisis that was perceived to threaten the very foundations of federal security. The conflict is intrinsic to an understanding of post-communist Russia and this study identifies the issues behind the evolution of Russia's conflict with Chechnya, investigating why a political crisis was permitted to deteriorate into a full-scale war. Existing studies of the causes of the conflict contain little theoretical interpretation regarding the role of Russia's transitional status. Given that Russia has been undergoing democratisation throughout the duration of its contemporary struggle with Chechnya, it is pertinent to investigate the link between the process and the potential for internal conflict. Edward Mansfield and Jack Snyder are the most notable advocates of the proposition that the characteristic instability of a transitional period greatly increases the likelihood of both international and intrastate war. They ascribe the increased risk of conflict to domestic political competition between old and new elites, who exploit nationalistic sentiments in order to mobilise popular support for their faction, facilitated by the weak institutionalisation of the democratising state. The lack of any formal regulatory mechanisms encourages abuse of power within state structures, as officials and members of the ruling elite cannot be held fully accountable to the electorate. Thus, in order to assess the impact of the transition process upon the deterioration of Russian-Chechen relations and provide a more rigorous theoretical framework against which to examine the causes of the war, existing models of transition, particularly the democratisation and war thesis, are analysed and applied to the case-study of Russian decision-making with regards to Chechnya. The persistent crisis is investigated within the context of the Federation's transition away from communist rule, focusing on the extent of any potential correlation between the Russian democratisation project and its violent struggle with a constituent part. The study reveals that the conflict is attributable to both the democratisation project and the wider concept of systemic transformation, and conclusions are drawn on the process of post-communist democratic transition.

Ever since World War II up to the 80`s the world had not witnessed any form of suicide terrorism. Since then the rate of such attacks have been growing on a global level. Nowadays, suicide terrorism is one of the most researched and still not fully explained syndromes that imposes threat to nations, societies, individuals, groups, governments and other parties. Many studies and analyses focus on determining the reasons and the motives for such acts, including the damages that suicide terrorism causes on global level. There have been multiple variables determined as key factors influencing suicide terrorism, including religion, political occupation, nationalism and many others, yet there is no single answer as to why organizations and/or individuals decide on such radical tactic. Thus, as a modern phenomenon, suicide terrorism triggers the analysis from several perspectives of the individual, organizational and psychological background. This master thesis deals with the case study of Chechen suicide terrorism and its implications in the studies of suicide terrorism. The main focus of the research is on determining main motives and reasons of Chechnya to use suicide bombing against Russia. The analysis uses the Robert Pape's theory on suicide terrorism and done by using qualitative research, with...

The thesis analyses Russian politics on Muslims in Russia in the area of Northern Caucasus. The author describes the development of the relations between the Russian state and Islam in selected historical periods with the aim of pointing out Kremlin's repressive politics on Muslims. Repressive politics of the Russian state contributed towards spreading of Radical Islamism in Chechenya and in the Northern Caucasus which the author describes in a case study on analysis of the main causes of the radicalisation of the Chechenyan separatist movement during two Chechenyan wars. The author tries to defend the hypothesis that radical Islamism cannot be considered the main cause for breaking out of the Second Chechenyan War but the result of a brutal Kremlin's politics in Chechenya during both Chechenyan wars.

Yes / This report on Chechnya is one of 13 case studies (all of the case studies are available at www.bradford.ac.uk/cics). This research draws upon secondary data sources including existing research studies, reports and evaluations. The analysis and opinions expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views or policy of DFID or the UK government.

Abstract This thesis will examine Vladimir Putin's controversial political decisions regarding the Second Chechen War justifying the conflict both inside and outside of Russia. It opens with Putin identifying with the United States after the terrorist activities of September 11, 2001 and how he used the American War on Terror to explain his own decisions regarding the Caucasus. For further understanding the paper looks at the history of Russian-Chechen relations to show how the centuries of hostility and mistrust culminated in two Chechen Wars within a ten year time period (1994-2004). It will also study the Russian view, held by Putin, which Chechnya was not declaring independence but was attempting to secede from the Russian Federation. It concludes with a look at Putin's solution to the conflict, the Chechnization of the Second Chechen War, where the Russian military withdrew from the region to be replaced by Putin's handpicked regime, the Kadyrovs.

This thesis is a socio-legal study of the politics of international law (i.e. the relationship between international law and international politics). There is not necessarily an accepted scope, or even direction, of this relationship but it is widely perceived to be important in international, as well as national, affairs. Still, this relationship needs to be better understood and articulated. This thesis offers a theoretical and empirical account of the phenomenon of the politics of international law, and its implications for the Chechen conflict by exploring how and to what extent one's understanding of the phenomenon is determined by culture, history, political and social context. Part One is an overview of the literature and theoretical approaches to studying the relationship between (international) law and (international) politics, as well as an analysis of sixteen face-to-face semi-structured interviews with practitioners of international law and international politics from different backgrounds and cultures. That leads to a theoretical model which is applied and verified in Part Two, a case study of the Chechen conflict. This focuses specifically on a socio-historical understanding of international law, the humanitarian and human rights movement in Russia, and the relationship between human rights law and international humanitarian law in the judgements of the European Court of Human Rights in the so-called Chechen cases. The findings of this study indicate that international politics is highly influenced by international law just as international law is affected by international politics. They both are integral parts of the international system, nevertheless, remain distinct from each other. It is therefore the politics of international law that allows international relations to take place, where politics provides the means by which the negotiations can take place and law creates specific language and provides a framework within which the debates can take place. It demonstrates that the challenges of modern times make that the two become increasingly influential on one another.