This thesis attempts to define the role of tribal authorities in the structures of the democratic government in the South African province of KwaZulu-Natal. However, the major difficulty lies in the nature of the institution of tribal authorities itself. In African tradition, leadership is hereditary. It is not subject to any electoral process. Besides this, the hereditary process is fundamentally male primogeniture and by nature excludes women. This contradicts the principles of democracy and the bill of rights which the democratic government of South Africa has adopted. Nevertheless, the institution of tribal authorities is not new in South Africa. It has existed and worked hand in hand with previous governments in South Africa since the period of the British colonial rule in the early 19th century. During the apartheid era, tribal authorities served as the local government in the rural areas of the KwaZulu Bantustan. Chiefs only lost this status after the formation of the Government of National Unity in 1994. However, most chiefs still have great influence and respect among the traditional people who live in rural areas. Besides this, among the Zulus, the institution of tribal authorities symbolizes Zulu nationalism and culture. Because of their closeness to the people at the grassroots, chiefs have good relationships with different political parties, particularly the Inkatha Freedom Party and the African National Congress. Probably they are seen by these political parties as potential allies and agents for political mobilization and recruitment in rural tribal areas. Consequently, abandoning the institution of tribal authorities in the democratic dispensation is unrealistic and irresponsible. To meet the political realities of KwaZulu-Natal, a certain form of representation in the structures of democratic government at both the provincial and local levels needs to be given to the institution of tribal authorities as part of the democratization process, and also as a means of expanding the scope of democracy in rural areas. This also fulfils one of the precepts of democracy which entails including all the concerned groups of people in a society, irrespective of colour, creed, sex, race, tradition and culture. Nevertheless, to achieve this, some adjustment is necessary to make possible the incorporation of the institution of tribal authorities in the structures of the democratic government. How can this institution be accommodated? What will the status and position of chiefs be in these structures? What will be their new role? How well can democratically elected structures work with non-elected ones? Is the inclusion of tribal authorities in the democratic government not going to conceptualize ethnicity? In other words, does ethnicity have any room in South Africa's democratic dispensation? To address these questions, this thesis assesses a number of aspects, which include examining the role chiefs played in the previous government, their relationships with the people, the Bantustan government and Inkatha Yenkululeko Yesizwe, and other political parties especially in the democratic dispensation. The thesis also examines legislation passed by the Government of National Unity, as well as the constitutional proposals of the Inkatha Freedom Party, the African National Congress and other political parties in the provincial government of KwaZulu-Natal concerning the role of tribal authorities. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sci.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1996.

Common-pool resources are goods that are kept from potential users only at a cost. These goods are subtractible in consumption and can diminish or disappear. Our failure to manage or exclude noncontributing beneficiaries in river resources could lead to lack of maintenance or protection of these resources. Critical to access to and use of river resources are tenurial rights. Without a stake in the tenure and governance of river resources, local communities could consume river resources opportunistically. It is on this background that in order to attain the better management of river resources, this study has explored tenurial rights as . critical in the realization of this objective. It is imperative that all relevant stakeholders play a role. Critical in this role are the institutional instruments. In alluding to the need to better manage our river resources, the South African government, through the Department of Water AffairS. ~dForestry (DWAF), has passed the Water Act. This act is tasked with ensuring th~t c)~ water resources are conserved so as to serve the present and the future generations. However, the success of this law, as various researchers indicate, rests on a co-operative approach involving all role players, particularly at local level. It is only whenco-IIlanagement of river resources is put in place that we can be in a position to use our resources sustainably for the benefit of the present and the future generations. Central in this approach, in rural areas, are Amakhosi . and other traditional institutions which command power. In order to test this 'hypothesis, this study was conducted in Salem, a peri-urban area where the power and authority of Amakhosi is, at least, not as strong as in deep rural areas. While the power of these institutions has waned over decades, this study has found a need to include Amakhosi in decision-making on river resource use because of their long-standing authority over communities living alongside rivers. Despite the decline in the power of Amakhosi in enforcing control measures in the management of river resources,a myriad of responses indicate that this institution still possess authority in the control and management of river resources in the Salem area. However, this study has further established that a co-operative system entailing all relevant stakeholders could enhance, and indeed bring about a sustainable management of river resources. / Thesis (M.Env.Dev.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2003.

Approximately three-quarters of the population in South Africa live in rural areas and are under the governance of traditional leadership, whose practice has been the source of controversy in the post-apartheid era. The institution of traditional leadership has been historically regarded as the main ruling system closest to and accepted by the people at grassroots level. The aim of this research is to investigate the role of traditional leaders in local government in the Vulindlela and Impendle areas, Pietermaritzburg. The objective is to present a historical overview of the role of traditional leaders and to analyse the role traditional leaders have to play in development. The research examines whether the tension between traditional leaders and municipal councillors hinder development to the masses in Vulindlela and Impendle areas. The methodology adopted for this study was a qualitative research approach, which was used to analyse the roles played by traditional leaders in rural local government development. The main findings of the study reveal that traditional leaders and authorities are essential political, social and economic structures for maintaining the socio-political order that is a prerequisite for rural development. Any endeavor to create a full democratic society in South Africa must utilize the intrinsic strengths of traditional leaders. The institution of traditional leaders should be transformed to move with the times. Many traditional leaders accept the role they have to play as part of the new order as well as the resulting challenge associated with the process of transformation. In principle, traditional authorities should not be drawn into party politics and their role should remain one of neutral leadership. Traditional authorities are seen in their communities as the institutional form of government closest to the people and therefore need to be preserved. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietemaritzburg, 2004.