Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 1999. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 227-242). Available also in a digital version from Dissertation Abstracts.

Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Rhode Island, 2008. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 107-116).

Thesis (M.A.)--Carleton University, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (59-64). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (M.S.) -- University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 2005. / Title from title page screen (viewed on Feb. 2, 2006). Thesis advisor: Greer Fox. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Duquesne University, 2005. / Title from document title page. Abstract included in electronic submission form. Includes bibliographical references (p.154-166 ) and index.

Upon interviewing a sample of youths, researchers who study exposure to violence are often faced with a substantial number of reports of exposure to violence and no way to confirm the veracity of these claims. The remarkably high levels of violence exposure reported by young preschool children (Richters & Martinez, 1990), paired with the low concordance between parents and children concerning what violence the child had witnessed and experienced (Howard, Cross, Li & Huang, 1999; Shahinfar, Fox & Leavitt, 2000), suggests that child self-reports of exposure to violence may not be entirely veridical. Since self-reports appear to be the only feasible method of measuring lifelong exposure to violence, determining the possible causes of false reports and investigating possible predictors should be a significant aspect of studying youth exposure to violence. With this thesis, I have investigated the veracity of child self-reports by comparing responses to a life-long exposure to violence questionnaire administered first between 1997 and 1999, and a second time two years later. Inconsistent reports, wherein an initial report of exposure to a particular violent instance was not confirmed by re-reporting at the second interview, were prevalent on a variety of violence-assessment items, including witnessing a murder and being the victim of a physical attack. For instance, when initially interviewed, approximately one in seven Chicago children aged 8 to 17 reported witnessing a shooting at least once during their lives. Alarmingly, 50% of these children did not confirm this instance of violence when interviewed again two years later. In an effort to identify self- or parent-reported characteristics and behaviours predictive of inconsistent responses concerning witnessing a shooting, I conducted several series of Binomial and Multinomial Logistic Regression analyses. Explanatory variables were selected to be representative of two main likely reasons for inconsistent self-reports: misremembering due to forgetting over time and the inaccuracy of children's memories, and misinformation due to an impulsive propensity towards lying or exaggeration. My findings suggest that, in comparison to individuals who confirmed their initial reports of having 'witnessed a shooting', individuals who retracted their initial claims were generally younger, from a higher socio-economic status level neighbourhood, admittedly lacked guilt after misbehaving, desired a lot of attention, and reported less impulsivity as measured by delinquency and behavioural impulsivity scales. / Thesis / Master of Science (MSc)

This report presents findings from a comparative qualitative study conducted in the Johannesburg inner city. The study sought to understand immigrant and South African heterosexual men’s perceptions, experiences, and responses to domestic violence. Drawing on social constructionist theory, the research investigates whether migration and nationality influenced how heterosexual men perceived, experienced, and responded to domestic violence. The study used qualitative methodology and relied on original empirical research. In total, participants (consisting of six immigrant and six South African men) were identified through purposive and snowballing sampling methods. Semi-structured interview guides were used to collect data, which was then analysed using thematic content analysis. Findings of the study revealed that migration influenced the way in which immigrant men experienced and responded to domestic violence in South Africa. However, migration did not have an impact on how immigrant men perceived domestic violence. This means that the ways in which immigrant men perceived domestic violence was the same as they perceived it in their home countries. However, the ways in which they were experiencing and responding to it in South Africa was different from the ways they used to experience and respond in their home countries (migrant sending countries). The South African participants did not attribute their perceptions, experiences and responses to migration. Instead, they attributed their experiences to the over insistence on rights by women, and the failure of law enforcement agencies to ensure that men who are victims of domestic violence are also heard. Findings also revealed that nationality differences between immigrant men and South African men did not influence the ways in which these two groups perceived and understood the term ‘domestic violence’. Thus, migrant men and South African men understood the term in the same way. The definitions of domestic violence that participants reported were different from the traditional definitions and categorizations of domestic violence. Participants defined domestic violence in accordance with their perceptions and experiences, as there was a thin line between perceptions and personal experiences. Further analysis showed that men understood domestic violence as being physical, emotional, and verbal. The findings of the study also revealed that immigrant men believed that their susceptibility to domestic violence was due to migration because of the perception that South African domestic violence legislation favours women. Furthermore, South African men attributed ‘favouritism on terms of the law’ towards women as an issue that made women take advantage of the policy framework to initiate violence towards their intimate partners. These men suggest that women do this in the knowledge that men are generally not believed when they (i.e. men) make reports of domestic violence.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Toronto, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 138-158).

Sexual violence against children (SVAC) is a complex, global challenge that negatively impacts the health and human rights of hundreds of millions of children. Over the last 50 years, SVAC has increasingly been viewed as a public health problem, and significant progress has been made in understanding its prevalence, identifying risk factors, and developing prevention approaches. While practitioners recognize that children’s experiences of sexual violence are diverse, there is an absence of evidence on different forms of SVAC. In this dissertation, I introduce the construct of “SVAC subtype,” which aims to capture the heterogeneity in children’s experiences of sexual violence. SVAC subtype refers to the characteristics associated with an SVAC experience, including the survivor’s characteristics (age, gender, etc.), the perpetrator’s characteristics (age, relationship to survivor, etc.), and the event’s characteristics (the location, the specific acts, etc.). Greater insight into SVAC subtypes provides policymakers, implementers, and researchers with information they can use to assess how well existing SVAC interventions prevent the identified subtypes, to tailor and target prevention interventions to better reach and meet the needs of children, and to improve research on SVAC and evaluations of prevention programs. In this dissertation, I describe how to identify and apply SVAC subtypes to ensure that no children are left behind in SVAC primary prevention efforts. I developed Chapters 1 and 2 in partnership with the AfriChild Centre, a Uganda-based research institute that promotes the well-being of African children. In Chapter 1, I describe the application of the Latent Class Analysis (LCA) methodology to identify subtypes of children’s first SVAC incidents across five Eastern and Southern African countries (Kenya, Malawi, Mozambique, Uganda, and Zambia). This analysis used nationally representative Violence Against Children Survey (VACS) data to identify eight subtypes of first SVAC incidents, four among boys and four among girls. Among boys, the identified subtypes were Boys’ SVAC subtype 1: Peer-perpetrated sexual touching at school; Boys’ SVAC subtype 2: Preadolescent survivors, known perpetrator; Boys’ SVAC subtype 3: Partner-perpetrated, forced or pressured sex at survivor’s home; and Boys’ SVAC subtype 4: Older adolescent survivors, attempted forced sex on a road, estimated to represent 25%, 29%, 14% and 32% of boys’ first SVAC incidents, respectively. Among girls, the identified subtypes were Girls’ SVAC subtype 1: Peer-perpetrated sexual touching at school; Girls’ SVAC subtype 2: Preadolescent survivors in their own home, known perpetrator; Girls’ SVAC subtype 3: Partner-perpetrated forced or pressured sex at perpetrator’s home; and Girls’ SVAC subtype 4: Adolescent survivors, attempted forced sex on a road, estimated to represent 13%, 15%, 31% and 40% of girls’ first SVAC incidents, respectively. Experiencing emotional violence, physical violence, or parental absence prior to SV was predictive of experiencing certain SVAC subtypes compared to others. In Chapter 2, the same approach was applied to understand SVAC subtypes in Uganda using VACS data. Among boys, the identified subtypes were: Boys’ SVAC subtype 1: Peer-perpetrated sexual touching at school; Boys’ SVAC subtype 2: Preadolescent survivors, forced or pressured sex, family member perpetrator; Boys’ SVAC subtype 3: Older adolescent survivors, repeated, partner-perpetrated SV, outdoors; and Boys’ SVAC subtype 4: Young adolescent survivors, attempted forced sex, neighbor perpetrator, estimated to represent 27%, 14%, 24% and 34% of boys’ first SVAC incidents, respectively. Among girls, four subtypes were identified: Girls’ SVAC subtype 1: Peer-perpetrated sexual touching at school; Girls’ SVAC subtype 2: Preadolescent survivors, attempted or forced sex, neighbor or family member perpetrator; Girls’ SVAC subtype 3: Older adolescent survivors, repeated, partner-perpetrated SV; and Girls’ SVAC subtype 4: Stranger-perpetrated SV, outdoors, estimated to represent 21%, 12%, 26% and 41% of girls’ first SVAC incidents, respectively. Among boys and girls reporting SVAC, physical violence or parental absence prior to SV significantly increased the odds of reporting SVAC subtype 2, compared to SVAC subtype 1. Stakeholders in Eastern and Southern Africa can use the findings of Chapters 1 and 2 to assess how well existing SVAC interventions are expected to prevent the identified subtypes and take corrective actions to ensure any overlooked SVAC subtypes are prevented. In both chapters, I present brief, non-exhaustive assessments of this issue, which revealed misalignment between prevention programs and prevalent SVAC subtypes. Practitioners can also use the identified SVAC subtypes to target and tailor SVAC primary prevention programs in the region to increase their effectiveness and sustainability. Finally, researchers can use the findings to design surveys that better capture the heterogeneity of survivors’ experiences, allowing them to ascertain the prevalence of SVAC subtypes across time and settings and to determine which programs are effective in preventing specific subtypes. In Chapter 3, I present additional recommendations for how identified SVAC subtypes can be utilized, introducing the Plan2Prevent roadmap, which provides guidance to implementers on how to consider SVAC subtypes and other contextual factors to design or refine SVAC prevention approaches. This chapter describes a partnership with Pathfinder Tanzania to pilot the Plan2Prevent roadmap to refine an SVAC prevention program in Zanzibar. Plan2Prevent has the potential to support practitioners to use data to design or refine SVAC prevention programs that are informed by evidence and aligned with the local context, with the aim of more effectively and sustainably preventing SVAC. Analyzing data to better understand the heterogeneity of children’s experiences of sexual violence by identifying SVAC subtypes can support stakeholders to move away from viewing SVAC as a one-dimensional issue. Chapters 1 and 2 demonstrate the utility of LCA as a means of identifying SVAC subtypes, and all three chapters provide guidance on how SVAC subtypes can be used to improve SVAC primary prevention efforts. A deeper understanding of SVAC subtypes can help policymakers, implementers, and researchers to assess the state of SVAC prevention programming and improve SVAC prevention interventions, research, and evaluation. Overall, this dissertation posits that the application of more nuanced, data-based understanding of SVAC can improve prevention programs so that more children can live free from sexual violence.

This is a qualitative study of girls’ and boys’ understanding and experiences of genderbased violence in one co-educational primary school in KwaZulu-Natal. The study sought to get insights into the problem of gender-based violence by investigating the lived experiences of both male and female learners within the school context. The aim of the study was to unveil forms of gender-based violence that the learners experience and some contributory factors, as well as the strategies for alleviating gender-based violence in this schooling context. The study adopted a qualitative case study research design. It employed semi-structured interviews as its method of data collection and these took the form of focus group interviews and individual in-depth interviews. A total of eight learners (four girls and four boys) participated in the study. The study found that there was a high incidence of gender-based violence in the school under study. This took the form of demeaning gendered comments, unfounded sexual rumours, sexualized gestures and jokes, sexual harassment, bullying and corporal punishment. Some school spaces, peer pressure, media and dominant discourses of gender were found to be some factors contributing to gender-based violence in this school. The findings indicate that boys are the group most culpable of continuing the cycle of genderbased violence by perpetrating acts of aggression on others learners. Boys drew on dominant discourses of gender in this context, which generally accord power to masculinities, at the expense of femininities. The resultant inequitable gendered power relations played a vital role in the perpetuation of the cycle of gender-based violence in the school. The study also finds that school teachers too were implicated in acts of gendervii based violence, which mainly took the form of assaulting learners, both male and female. In addition, teachers display a general acceptance of gender-based violence incidents as normal children’s behaviour, and take no remedial actions to stop such abuses. The study offers some suggestions that relevant stakeholders could employ to address gender-based violence at schools. These include supplementing teacher education curriculum, to provide training on how to deal with gender-based violence, a campaign to bring about greater awareness in schools and in the communities where parents are involved, additional professional support for schools and setting up structures for learner peer support. / Thesis (M.Ed.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Edgewood, 2012.