Thesis (M.A.)--Guo li Taiwan da xue. / Reproduced from typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaf 148).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Columbia University, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [550]-571).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2005. / Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 259-272). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio University, June, 2005. / Title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 80-81)

Tübingen, Universiẗat, Diss., 2004.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Princeton University, 2006. / Adviser: Susan Naquin. Includes bibliographical references (p. 249-265)

Thesis (M. S.)--International Affairs, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2007. / Woodall, Committee Member ; Weber, Committee Member ; Wang, Fei-ling, Committee Chair.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2000. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 369-389).

The beginning of the 21st century has born witness to the regional rise of Turkey and global rise of China. The two countries have not only boomed economically but also politically, from their burgeoning role in international politics. Over the course of the 20th century they had little diplomatic relations with each other, despite their centuries old associations. Nevertheless, their bilateral relations have begun to warm up again in the last decade. At the turn of the new century, Turkey readjusted their policy on the Uyghur issue, one of the major obstacles against Turkey and China reinitiating relations after the diplomatic recognition in 1971. A policy orientation study, conducted from 1996 to 2000, resulted in a joint communiqué (signed in 2000) that envisioned an "enhanced partnership" between the two countries. From the year 2000, there was a boost in reciprocal visits and trade between Turkish and Chinese organizations. These relations grew rapidly, and in 2010 Turkish and Chinese prime ministers signed an agreement to upgrade their relationship status from "enhanced partnership" to "strategic partnership". From 2010, Turkey and China started to make surprising moves in fostering political dialogue, cooperating in the space and technology industries, cooperating with each other's militaries and mass investing in the other country's projects. The most important of these relationship-building developments was Turkey's dialogue partnership with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the country's interest in buying military equipment from China. There are additionally many other Turkish developments that have started to become attractive for China in global politics; given Turkey is a longstanding US ally, NATO member, and EU candidate. In light of these developments, while Turkish-Chinese relations have become more significant for international relations, there has been little work on the topic. This thesis, therefore, aims to address this problem. In order to do so, the study first attempts to identify where Turkey and China stand in terms of their international relations. Then, this thesis illustrates and analyzes the contexts that influence Turkey's relationship with China. Finally, this thesis emphasizes the two countries' bilateral relations. In order to effectively research this topic, the student has employed a post-positivist stance for International Relations. Understood from its emphasis on identity and context, constructionist and analytical eclectic approaches will be used to understand the phenomena, Turkish-Chinese relations and its evolution, with the help of realist and constructivist theories, through applying discourse analysis, interviews, participant observations methods.

一九四九年中華人民共和國成立，社會結構發生巨變，知識分子群體的階層身份與話語體系首當其衝受到劇烈衝擊--階層身份的重塑與話語體系的重構，需要盡快完成，以實現與社會主義意識形態的對接，為新政權服務。在這種情境下，高校歐美派自由主義知識分子群體對高校院系調整政策的集體抵制，觸發了建國以來中國共產黨對知識分子的第一場大規模思想改造運動。在這場以「洗澡」命名的改造運動中，毛澤東建構的「新」話語通过「批評與自我批評」的運動方式灌輸给被改造者，最終實現了對高校知識分子精英「舊」話語的全面替代。本文採取政治傳播學與話語研究相結合的研究視角，將這場發生於1951-1952年的中國知識分子思想改造運動嵌入時代发展的政治文化坐標，通過對中國傳統知識分子、五四知識分子話語體系的系譜梳理、展現毛澤東建構下的「新-舊」知識話語間的話語創新、重合與對抗，並通過改造運動中這套「新」話語之於知識分子群體思想与話語的改造，展示出建國初期毛治下知識分子思想改造運動中的話語傳播手段與權力運用策略。本文認為，毛澤東通過「破舊」與「立新」兩大步驟，以「階級論」為核心、聯合「人民」與「革命」兩大強勢話語，對「知識」及「知識分子」重下定義，創造出一套「新」的「紅色」知識話語體系，成為毛治下整體性的、無所不包的意識形態解釋體系。具體到知識分子改造實踐中，該話語運用「階級」的概念將知識分子與底層民眾的權力地位反轉，並通過將「階級」與中國傳統文化中的道德相關聯，激發知識分子的「原罪感」，加之群眾運動中不斷激化的「污名化」、暴力語言和對毛「先知」話語的崇拜等話語現象，致使高校知識分子群體紛紛與過去的知識話語體系決裂。然而，毛建構的「紅色」話語體系，是建立在脫離社會實際的「表達性現實」基礎上的，儘管隨著毛澤東這一話語權威核心的消失，整套話語體系也隨之崩塌，但運動對於知識分子群體話語、思想與精神的衝擊，成為當時崇尚「獨立之思考、自由之精神」的知識分子精英群體所共同面臨的話語困境，也是當前中國知識分子依然直面的問題。Abstract When the People's Republic of China (PRC) was founded in 1949, social structure had changed dramatically and the class identity of intellectual groups was the first to be affected severely. The remodeling of class identity and reconstruction of discourse system of the intellectuals needed to be addressed as quickly as possible so as to serve the new regime. And the event that the elite liberal intellectuals in colleges and universities boycotted the adjustment on faculty policies of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) had triggered the first large-scale ideological transforming movement after the foundation of PRC. `New' discourse mode constructed by Mao Tsetung was infused into transformers' minds being transformed in this movement, and finally the `red' revolutionary knowledge discourse had totally replaced the traditional knowledge discourse of intellectuals in colleges and universities. From the research perspectives of political communication and discourse analysis, this thesis places this Ideological Transforming Movement of Chinese Intellectuals during 1951 to 1952 into a political and cultural background of the era; manifests the innovation, overlapping and confrontation between the `new' discourse constructed by Mao Tsetung and the traditional discourse of the Chinese traditional intellectuals and the contemporary intellectuals coming into being from in the May 4th Movement; and analyses the application of `new' discourse in intellectual groups in the ideological transforming movement, reveals the discourse propagation tools and power exertion strategies in the ideological transforming movement in the new China under Mao's dominion. It is considered in this thesis that Mao took the `class' as a core discourse, populism and revolutionary narration as contents, redefined `knowledge' and `intellectual', and thus created a new set of `red' knowledge discourse and ideology system. In the intellectual ideological transforming movement, this new, systematic and coverall explanation system utilized `class' to convert the power status between elite intellectuals and people at the bottom of the society, as well as linked it with morality to stimulate the intellectuals' sense of `original sin'. Meanwhile, with the upgrading `stigmatization' and language violence as well as the idolization of `prophet language' of Mao Tsetung in the mass movement after 1949, the elite intellectuals finally discarded the previous knowledge discourse and embrace the `red' current discourse. However, the discourse system constructed by Mao based on the basis of `expressive reality' which broke away from social reality, therefore, as Mao Tsetung, the authority core of the discourse system, disappeared, the overall discourse system constructed by him also collapsed. Nevertheless, the ideological reforming movement in the 1950s exposed a discourse predicament that intellectual elites who advocated `independent thinking and spirit freedom' were jointly facing, which also persists with the Chinese intellectuals nowadays.