Thesis (M. Phil.)--Hong Kong Baptist University, 1995. / Thesis submitted to the Dept. of Chinese Language and Literature. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 149-158).

Thesis (M. Phil.)--Hong Kong Baptist University, 1998. / Thesis submitted to the Dept. of Chinese Language and Literature. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 155-160).

Thesis (M. Phil.)--Hong Kong Baptist University, 2002. / Thesis submitted to the Dept. of Chinese Language and Literature. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 126-133).

Thesis (M. Phil.)--Hong Kong Baptist University, 2004. / Thesis submitted to the Dept. of Chinese Language and Literature. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 123-127).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations, March 2001. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

No description available.

在近代中國大變局中，詩歌文化傳統如何面對「現代世界」，是一個值得注意的問題。本文選擇的研究對象「三元」（開元、元和、元祐）、「三關」（元嘉、元和、元祐）、「四元」（元嘉、開元、元和、元祐）是陳衍 (1856-1937)、沈曾植（1850-1922）和馬一浮（1883-1967）對詩歌傳統的建構，它們既共同反映出舊體詩人維繫傳統的努力，又分別帶有三人對各自時代的反應。本文共六章，以中間四章的論述結構為核心。第二、三、四章分別就「三元」、「三關」和「四元」的形成過程和詩學意涵做出詳盡考察。本文認為「三元」是陳衍1899年以後逐漸形成的詩史體系，在1912年12月分兩個系統建立。「三元」包含了對近代不同詩歌風格的歷史追溯，以杜甫、韓愈、白居易、蘇軾為詩史典範。「三元」最重要的唐宋詩法傳承，陳衍的關注點在「白居易、梅堯臣、蘇軾、陸游、楊萬里」一脈，而他的詩歌理想是「能」與「稱」或者「至」。沈曾植的「三關」說是他1918年對自己1899年「三元」唐宋詩史論的顛覆。「三關」說是代降詩史觀下的復古學詩方法，強調由「元祐」、「元和」上溯「元嘉」詩歌的「雅」、「玄理」。其中「元祐」重在黃庭堅和江西詩派，「元和」重在韓愈和韓門詩人，「元嘉」則以陶潛和謝靈運、顏延之共同作為典範。相比陳衍的「三元」，「三關」擴大到對文化價值的整體關懷，這與沈氏的人生經歷息息相關。馬一浮的「四元」說在「三關」的基礎上增加了「開元」，同時融入了他早年以「仁」為核心的詩教觀，1943年提出「四元」並完成詩史體系建構。該說以他對詩歌「脫俗」、「神悟」的追求為基礎，以「史」、「玄」為內容，以「仁」和「理境」為理想，兼重詩歌社會功能和審美價值，反映出他超越以杜甫為代表的唐宋詩人、挑戰近代宗宋詩學的理論個性。本文第五章結合時代語境比較分析了三種詩史觀同異的成因。三者相同的「元和」、「元祐」源於繼承晚清宋詩傳統以對抗現代衝擊的共性價值。三者的差異表現在具體的詩史典範選擇和「元嘉」、「開元」等詩史階段的取捨排列上，這又分別決定於他們的時代文化心理和自我定位。「三元」重視個性和強調新變，反映出陳衍融入時代以保留傳統的新型「學人」定位。沈曾植「三關」強調「見道」和上溯「元嘉」，反映出他對堅守文化傳統的「士人」理想。馬一浮 「四元」對「仁」和「理境」的追求，表現出他以「復性」重建文化傳統並以「獨立人格」實現傳統文化永恆價值的人生理想。本文選取了近代中國最成體系的三種詩史觀為研究對象，填補了相關研究的空白，在揭示三說歷史語境和文化氛圍的同時，也希望能為近代中國詩學研究做出貢獻。= In the century since 1840, China had experienced dramatic change in society, politics and culture. But due to the focus on modern tendencies in literature (especially vernacular literature) in the twentieth century, traditional poetics has long been neglected. This thesis takes Chen Yan(1856-1937), Shen Zengzhi (1850-1922), Ma Yifu (1883-1967) and their San Yuan (Kai Yuan (713-741), Yuan He (806-820) and Yuan You (1086-1094)), San Guan (Yuan Jia (424-453), Yuan He (806-820) and Yuan You (1086-1094)) and Si Yuan (Yuan Jia (424-453), Kai Yuan (713-741), Yuan He (806-820) and Yuan You (1086-1094)) theories as major research foci to discuss one question: how did poetic tradition respond to the modern world? Apart from the introduction and the conclusion, this thesis includes four chapters. From the second chapter to the fourth, the forming process and poetic concerns of Chen's, Shen's and Ma's perspectives are investigated in turn. The fifth chapter compares the poetic values and historical views of their theories, and analyzes the identities and differences by integrating with their cultural psychologies and self-identifications. As the most elaborated and systematic theories of poetic criticism in the last period of the poetic tradition, the three perspectives are linked by the similar form of historical perspectives, though were all developed under personal considerations. By explicating the underlying historical and cultural concerns of perspectives on poetic history in modern China, this thesis not only achieved breakthrough in related research area, but also provided references to contemporary studies of classical Chinese poetics and poetic history.

乾隆朝時期，清廷復起科舉試詩，此舉引發了清代試帖詩學的勃興。清 人對於試帖詩的創作熱情或許為我們揭示了一點，那就是清人在面對科舉與 文學之間的關係時，並不僅僅是敷衍或逃避，他們還可能選擇去積極調和二 者之間的關係。本文試圖藉由聚焦乾隆朝時期的代表人物，以勾勒出這一調 和的思路，進而再通過試帖來重審清代詩壇的學問化風氣。 本文共分六章。 第一章是緒論，包括研究对象、研究问题、前人研究的回顧與反思以及 研究思路。 第二章以張廷玉為中心考查了乾隆朝時期的加試試帖之爭。自唐以來， 在有關科舉試詩的爭論中，反對試詩者一直強調，文學的藝術形式會損害儒 家之道，進而敗壞士風習氣。這一爭論在清代被表達為文道之爭。張廷玉反 對任何對於科舉的激進改革，只是強調「循名責實」，要求考官選擇載道之 文，這折射了清廷崇尚實學與釐正文體的科舉政策。他也以詩賦為「風雲月 露之詞」，认為其徒重辭華，難以載道，因而激烈地反對試詩，這既反映了 崇儒重道的為政理念，也可見雍正帝個人的文學理念。 第三章主要討論乾隆帝的創作理念與創作實踐。我們可以發現，一方面 ，他試圖以詩教持論將試帖納入科場文道關係之中，另一方面，他將試帖定 義為末技，以防士子沉迷雕琢文辭。儘管乾隆帝試圖以道德化和學問化的方 式來寫作試帖，但他也並不能完全抵禦文學遊戲式的快樂，更無法抵抗試帖 詩本身的文體慣性，因而出現了實踐與創作的分離。同時，他也似乎並無意 為科場試帖提出一種同一的評判標準, 這也讓考官擁有了一定的自由裁度的 空間。 第四章專論被清人視為典範的紀昀。本文從紀昀的「體卑」論與「同源 別派」論出發考察了紀昀的試律詩學。由此發現，紀昀認為，就道而論，試 帖離道頗遠，就文而言，其自身藝術形式亦有頗多弊病。所以他選擇用理法 來平衡文與道之間的關係，紀昀削弱了道的道德含義，將試帖轉向對考察士子學問。 第五章聚焦於另一典範吳錫麒。他的試帖之作與理念呈現出了一種分裂 的態勢，一方面，他循規蹈，在論述與實踐上都能夠契合清廷官方所推舉的 理念；另一方面，他則打破前代教化與頌揚的傳統，以作詞之法寫作試帖， 在試帖詩中發出富於個人色彩的日常化的聲音，使得試帖富於抒情色彩。 第六章為結論。首先，我們可以發現，自張廷玉至吳錫麒，道的存在感 被不斷削弱，反之，文的重要性卻在不斷提高。但在乾隆帝、紀昀與吳錫麒 的試帖理念與創作實踐中，學問都扮演了一個及其重要的角色。所以，此章 還比較了兩位典範人物，紀昀與吳錫麒在試帖法度運用上的差異。紀昀是以 考辨學問的態度來寫作試帖，而吳錫麒則是將學問作為表現題材，同時將學 問作為一種表達手段。兩者之間的差異揭示了在學問化這一議題內部，學問 與抒情之間也在不斷角力。相較於中國文學史上的其他帝王引領的詩歌寫作 ，試帖詩理論豐富，著作繁多。科舉輻射人群廣闊，處在不同位置的寫作者 有自己的寫作策略，亦對其有不同的文體定位，這也使得其成為有清一代的 「國朝之盛」。Ever since the Qianlong era,the examinees were required to write a poem in the civil service examination, it led to the rise of Shitie poetics in this period. The enthusiasm for poetry was so strong, that when asked to rank the relative value of literature and the civil service examination, people in the Qing Dynasty chose to consider them equally important, rather than dealing with poetry in a perfunctory way. This thesis determines how the people of the Qianlong era managed to achieve this balance. It also reviews the relationship between poetry and knowledge in the Qing Dynasty, as revealed in Shitie poems. In addition to the introduction and conclusion, this thesis has four chapters. The introduction provides the basic information about the topic, including the subject, the motivation for the research, a literature review and the methodology. The second chapter presents the arguments made in the Qianglong era for adding poetry to the civil service examination. Since the Tang Dynasty, dissenters claimed that this form of the literature would not only be a threat to Confucianism, but would also lead to decadence and a loss of morals. During the Qianglong era, the argument was described as a conflict between Wen and Tao (文道之爭), and was seen as a reflection of particular ideas about the nature and use of authority. The third chapter examines Emperor Qianlong's ideas and work. He argued that the moral nature of poetry meant that it did not present a choice between Wen and Tao. However, he also defined poetry as a trivial skill, for fear that the examinee may get obsessed with poetry. Although he stressed that the composition of Shitie poems required the poet to have both morality and knowledge, he could not resist the temptation of regarding literature as a game, nor could he change the nature of this genre. Thus, there was a gap between his ideas and his work. Furthermore, Emperor Qianlong showed no interest in setting standards for judging poems in the civil examination, leaving that to the discretion of the examiners. Chapter Four discusses Ji Yun, whose Shitie poems were regarded as canonical by people at the time. He considered Shitie to be a genre that was inconsistent with the Tao, but he also thought the Wen style had many disadvantages. So, he chose to use the principles of truth and law（理法）to maintain the balance between Wen and Tao. Instead of stressing morality, he turned Shitie poetics into a tool to test the examinees' knowledge. Chapter Five focuses on Wu Xiqi, another canonical poet at that time. His work and ideas have two different characteristics. Some of his statements and work perfectly match with the official idea of Shitie as a poetic form presenting praise or moralizing. However, some of his Shitie poems talk about personal feelings and everyday life, which endow his Shitie poems with the function of emotinal expreesion. Chapter Six presents the thesis' conclusions. It also compares Ji Yun and Wu Xiqi's different principles for writing Shitie poems. Ji Yun wrote Shitie poems as a way to expand knowledge, whereas in Wu Xiqi's Shitie poetry, knowledge is often the topic of the poem. He uses knowledge to express his feelings. These different approaches to Shitie poetry illustrate the tension between the role of knowledge and lyricism in the poetry of the Qing Dynasty. Poetry writing led by the emperor had a long history in China.Yet Shitie poems gained more popularity than other genres.It's mainly due to the civil service examination.There were huge numbers of examinees writing the Shitie poems,and poets of different position had their own style.

現代性，在 19 世紀初傳入中國時，只算是願景，成為晚清以後知識份子推動社會改革的目標；而詩，則是幾千年來的中國文化精粹, 是士人操持的語言。兩個分別屬於過去和未來的理念卻多次給譚嗣同、梁啟超、黃遵憲、胡適等先鋒拉在一起，試圖以解放詩體帶動社會改革 ---- 新詩便是以「修身到治國」的推展模式成就的「現代傳統」。在第一重的推展中，周作人率先以〈小河〉實踐其所謂的「人的文學」，聞一多有感於滿目瘡痍的文化景象，以「休息的馳態」，勉勵人伺機而動；在第二重的推展中，魯迅、徐志摩以散文詩來包容「現代鄉愁」中的文化矛盾，保住了時代的開放性；在第三重的推展中，曹葆華、李金髮和侯汝華進一步擴大接收的面向，通過翻譯外國的詩論和詩作鞏固新詩的格局，拓展風格。論文題目中的「盪懷生家國」所涉的就是此層層推展的家國關懷。中國的現代性或許就是那以借來的現代性為目標的追尋，令近代中國掉入了如此弔詭：當國家因救亡的迫切需要而從西方承接了「實用現代性」以興產業、壯國防；而中國詩歌幾千年以來都是最能啟蒙民心的「抒情傳統」的載體，它的發展在「詩體解放」後卻遭到忽略，連同其中所包含的「審美現代性」也遭到壓抑---- 中國詩人嘗試掙脫個人抒懷和羣治籌謀的矛盾的困鎖，將自己歸化到歷史發展的大勢中去推動社會發展，遂激起上述的重重波瀾。

乾隆朝時期，清廷復起科舉試詩，此舉引發了清代試帖詩學的勃興。清 人對於試帖詩的創作熱情或許為我們揭示了一點，那就是清人在面對科舉與 文學之間的關係時，並不僅僅是敷衍或逃避，他們還可能選擇去積極調和二 者之間的關係。本文試圖藉由聚焦乾隆朝時期的代表人物，以勾勒出這一調 和的思路，進而再通過試帖來重審清代詩壇的學問化風氣。 本文共分六章。 第一章是緒論，包括研究对象、研究问题、前人研究的回顧與反思以及 研究思路。 第二章以張廷玉為中心考查了乾隆朝時期的加試試帖之爭。自唐以來， 在有關科舉試詩的爭論中，反對試詩者一直強調，文學的藝術形式會損害儒 家之道，進而敗壞士風習氣。這一爭論在清代被表達為文道之爭。張廷玉反 對任何對於科舉的激進改革，只是強調「循名責實」，要求考官選擇載道之 文，這折射了清廷崇尚實學與釐正文體的科舉政策。他也以詩賦為「風雲月 露之詞」，认為其徒重辭華，難以載道，因而激烈地反對試詩，這既反映了 崇儒重道的為政理念，也可見雍正帝個人的文學理念。 第三章主要討論乾隆帝的創作理念與創作實踐。我們可以發現，一方面 ，他試圖以詩教持論將試帖納入科場文道關係之中，另一方面，他將試帖定 義為末技，以防士子沉迷雕琢文辭。儘管乾隆帝試圖以道德化和學問化的方 式來寫作試帖，但他也並不能完全抵禦文學遊戲式的快樂，更無法抵抗試帖 詩本身的文體慣性，因而出現了實踐與創作的分離。同時，他也似乎並無意 為科場試帖提出一種同一的評判標準, 這也讓考官擁有了一定的自由裁度的 空間。 第四章專論被清人視為典範的紀昀。本文從紀昀的「體卑」論與「同源 別派」論出發考察了紀昀的試律詩學。由此發現，紀昀認為，就道而論，試 帖離道頗遠，就文而言，其自身藝術形式亦有頗多弊病。所以他選擇用理法 來平衡文與道之間的關係，紀昀削弱了道的道德含義，將試帖轉向對考察士子學問。 第五章聚焦於另一典範吳錫麒。他的試帖之作與理念呈現出了一種分裂 的態勢，一方面，他循規蹈，在論述與實踐上都能夠契合清廷官方所推舉的 理念；另一方面，他則打破前代教化與頌揚的傳統，以作詞之法寫作試帖， 在試帖詩中發出富於個人色彩的日常化的聲音，使得試帖富於抒情色彩。 第六章為結論。首先，我們可以發現，自張廷玉至吳錫麒，道的存在感 被不斷削弱，反之，文的重要性卻在不斷提高。但在乾隆帝、紀昀與吳錫麒 的試帖理念與創作實踐中，學問都扮演了一個及其重要的角色。所以，此章 還比較了兩位典範人物，紀昀與吳錫麒在試帖法度運用上的差異。紀昀是以 考辨學問的態度來寫作試帖，而吳錫麒則是將學問作為表現題材，同時將學 問作為一種表達手段。兩者之間的差異揭示了在學問化這一議題內部，學問 與抒情之間也在不斷角力。相較於中國文學史上的其他帝王引領的詩歌寫作 ，試帖詩理論豐富，著作繁多。科舉輻射人群廣闊，處在不同位置的寫作者 有自己的寫作策略，亦對其有不同的文體定位，這也使得其成為有清一代的 「國朝之盛」。Ever since the Qianlong era,the examinees were required to write a poem in the civil service examination, it led to the rise of Shitie poetics in this period. The enthusiasm for poetry was so strong, that when asked to rank the relative value of literature and the civil service examination, people in the Qing Dynasty chose to consider them equally important, rather than dealing with poetry in a perfunctory way. This thesis determines how the people of the Qianlong era managed to achieve this balance. It also reviews the relationship between poetry and knowledge in the Qing Dynasty, as revealed in Shitie poems. In addition to the introduction and conclusion, this thesis has four chapters. The introduction provides the basic information about the topic, including the subject, the motivation for the research, a literature review and the methodology. The second chapter presents the arguments made in the Qianglong era for adding poetry to the civil service examination. Since the Tang Dynasty, dissenters claimed that this form of the literature would not only be a threat to Confucianism, but would also lead to decadence and a loss of morals. During the Qianglong era, the argument was described as a conflict between Wen and Tao (文道之爭), and was seen as a reflection of particular ideas about the nature and use of authority. The third chapter examines Emperor Qianlong's ideas and work. He argued that the moral nature of poetry meant that it did not present a choice between Wen and Tao. However, he also defined poetry as a trivial skill, for fear that the examinee may get obsessed with poetry. Although he stressed that the composition of Shitie poems required the poet to have both morality and knowledge, he could not resist the temptation of regarding literature as a game, nor could he change the nature of this genre. Thus, there was a gap between his ideas and his work. Furthermore, Emperor Qianlong showed no interest in setting standards for judging poems in the civil examination, leaving that to the discretion of the examiners. Chapter Four discusses Ji Yun, whose Shitie poems were regarded as canonical by people at the time. He considered Shitie to be a genre that was inconsistent with the Tao, but he also thought the Wen style had many disadvantages. So, he chose to use the principles of truth and law（理法）to maintain the balance between Wen and Tao. Instead of stressing morality, he turned Shitie poetics into a tool to test the examinees' knowledge. Chapter Five focuses on Wu Xiqi, another canonical poet at that time. His work and ideas have two different characteristics. Some of his statements and work perfectly match with the official idea of Shitie as a poetic form presenting praise or moralizing. However, some of his Shitie poems talk about personal feelings and everyday life, which endow his Shitie poems with the function of emotinal expreesion. Chapter Six presents the thesis' conclusions. It also compares Ji Yun and Wu Xiqi's different principles for writing Shitie poems. Ji Yun wrote Shitie poems as a way to expand knowledge, whereas in Wu Xiqi's Shitie poetry, knowledge is often the topic of the poem. He uses knowledge to express his feelings. These different approaches to Shitie poetry illustrate the tension between the role of knowledge and lyricism in the poetry of the Qing Dynasty. Poetry writing led by the emperor had a long history in China.Yet Shitie poems gained more popularity than other genres.It's mainly due to the civil service examination.There were huge numbers of examinees writing the Shitie poems,and poets of different position had their own style.