Thesis (M.A.)--Catholic Theological Union at Chicago, 2004. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 102-103).

Thesis (M.A.)--Catholic Theological Union at Chicago, 2004. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 102-103).

Thesis (M.A.)--Catholic Theological Union at Chicago, 2004. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 102-103).

Thesis (D.Th.)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the possibility of building a more humane and dignified society and asked the pertinent question: what is the role of the bills of rights in building a more humane and dignified society? What is the role of moral responsibility in the creation of such a community? Is the correlation between these two initiatives conflicting or is it complimentary? In searching for answers to the abovementioned questions, chapter two gives a short historical overview of the origin and development of the human rights idea. The purpose and nature of human rights as well as the different kinds of rights are discussed. This chapter also specifically surveys the development of how human rights in South Africa. Chapter three evaluates the advantages of human rights in various contexts. Countries like Sweden and The Netherlands that have a long history of human rights are investigated. African countries like the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kenya and South Africa are investigated to get a picture of human rights in Africa. The theological basis of human rights is discussed in chapter four. Before the theological arguments for human rights are forwarded, the arguments against human rights and the ambiguous relation between theology and human rights are discussed. Hereafter it is shown that theological arguments from a trinitarian faith perspective, central biblical terminology such as justice, human dignity, equality and freedom can be motivated. It is also argued from the various church traditions that human rights can be theologically supported. Chapter five argues that apart from the acceptance of a bill of rights, the theological support human rights enjoys, moral responsible people is necessary for building a more humane and dignified society. For this reason the ethics of responsibility is also explained. The role of laws are investigated as well as how the revising of laws can assist in the establishing a humane and dignified society. The role of moral formation is also discussed. The practise of the different community institutions such as business, media, statutory bodies and civil society are explained to indicate how it can help in this regard. The role of the political will is also discussed. The study is concluded by stating the most important findings. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die moontlikheid van die daarstelling van ’n meer menswaardige samelewing en vra pertinent: wat is die rol van handveste van menseregte in die bou van ‘n menswaardige samelewing? Wat is die rol van morele verantwoordelikheid in die bou van ‘n menswaardige samelewing? Is die korrelasie tussen hierdie twee inisiatiewe konflikterend of komplimenterend? In die soeke na antwoorde op bogenoemde vrae, bied hoofstuk twee ‘n kort historiese oorsig oor hoe die menseregte-idee ontstaan en ontwikkel het. Die doel en aard van menseregte sowel as die verskillende soorte menseregte word beskryf. In hierdie hoofstuk word spesifiek ook ondersoek ingestel na die ontwikkeling van menseregte in Suid-Afrika. Hoofstuk drie ondersoek die vrug van menseregte in verskeie kontekste. Lande soos Swede en Nederland wat ‘n lang menseregte geskiedenis het, word ondersoek. Afrikalande soos die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo, Kenia en Suid-Afrika word ondersoek om ‘n prentjie van menseregte in Afrika te kry. Die teologiese begronding van menseregte word in hoofstuk vier aan die orde gestel. Alvorens die teologiese argumente ten gunste van menseregte gestel word, word die argumente teen menseregte en die dubbelsinnige verhouding tussen teologie en menseregte geskets. Hierna word daar aangetoon dat menseregte vanuit die trinitariese geloofsbekouing, sentrale bybelbegrippe soos geregtigheid, menswaardigheid, gelykheid en vryheid begrond kan word. Daar word ook vanuit die verskillende kerklike tradisies geargumenteer dat menseregte teologies ondersteun kan word. Hoofstuk vyf toon dat benewens die aanvaarding van ‘n Handves van Menseregte en die teologiese ondersteuning wat daar vir menseregte is, moreel verantwoordelike mense ook nodig is vir die skep van ‘n meer menswaardige samelewing. Om hierdie rede word die etiek van verantwoordelikheid toegelig. Die rol van wette word ondersoek asook hoe die hersiening van wette kan meehelp in die daarstelling van ‘n menswaardige samelewing. Die rol van morele vorming word ook toegelig. Die praktyke van die verskillende samelewingsinstansies soos byvoorbeeld die sakesektor, media, statutêre liggame en die burgerlike samelewing word belig om aan te toon hoe dit kan meehelp in hierdie opsig. Die rol van die politieke wil word ook toegelig. Die studie word afgesluit met ‘n uiteensetting van die belangrikste bevindinge.

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Doctor Theologiae / South Africa

Text in English / With the start of democracy in South Africa and the end of the legal Apartheid rule, it became apparent to those who identified the church with the liberation struggle that Christian communities had lost their significance in society today. This feeling, although not popular among theologians, became widely held by those who thought that we had arrived politically. This feeling was also supported by views which felt that democracy was the ultimate human form of governance. In this light, it is conceivable for churches to abandon the struggle because of the irrelevance of agitating a form of government that is affirmed and celebrated globally. Also, it became justified to abandon the struggle, if indeed the struggle was against Apartheid, because the enemy had been defeated. Consequently, this meant a withdrawal from siding with those whose rights were marginalised. Such an abrupt withdrawal from championing the rights of those who are marginalised (especially as displayed by the church during the Apartheid era) also raises many concerns pertaining to the role that the churches ought to be playing in the current democratic dispensation. It is also conceivable that the initiative to struggle against Apartheid was motivated only by the fact that the Apartheid regime was unjust and that it discriminated against certain groups of South African citizens. The attainment of liberation in South Africa has plunged churches into an illusion that democratic states are capable of good governance and that when such a government exists, churches can safely concern themselves with their primary ecclesiastical duties—of preaching the Word of God and administering the sacraments and leave the socio-economic and political affairs to those who are governing. It seems that this view is especially prevalent among the constituency of the church that brought forward a theological confession against the theological legitimacy granted to the Apartheid ideology. To unapologetically declare its association with those on the margins, and to defy Apartheid for the evil that it was, this church brought about the Belhar Confession as proof of its allegiance to those on the margins. This study shall confine itself to the realm of the Christian community. It will look to the historicity of the URCSA precisely because it has been bold enough to pen a confession that chastised Apartheid. / Philosophy & Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Theological ethics)

Text in English / With the start of democracy in South Africa and the end of the legal Apartheid rule, it became apparent to those who identified the church with the liberation struggle that Christian communities had lost their significance in society today. This feeling, although not popular among theologians, became widely held by those who thought that we had arrived politically. This feeling was also supported by views which felt that democracy was the ultimate human form of governance. In this light, it is conceivable for churches to abandon the struggle because of the irrelevance of agitating a form of government that is affirmed and celebrated globally. Also, it became justified to abandon the struggle, if indeed the struggle was against Apartheid, because the enemy had been defeated. Consequently, this meant a withdrawal from siding with those whose rights were marginalised. Such an abrupt withdrawal from championing the rights of those who are marginalised (especially as displayed by the church during the Apartheid era) also raises many concerns pertaining to the role that the churches ought to be playing in the current democratic dispensation. It is also conceivable that the initiative to struggle against Apartheid was motivated only by the fact that the Apartheid regime was unjust and that it discriminated against certain groups of South African citizens. The attainment of liberation in South Africa has plunged churches into an illusion that democratic states are capable of good governance and that when such a government exists, churches can safely concern themselves with their primary ecclesiastical duties—of preaching the Word of God and administering the sacraments and leave the socio-economic and political affairs to those who are governing. It seems that this view is especially prevalent among the constituency of the church that brought forward a theological confession against the theological legitimacy granted to the Apartheid ideology. To unapologetically declare its association with those on the margins, and to defy Apartheid for the evil that it was, this church brought about the Belhar Confession as proof of its allegiance to those on the margins. This study shall confine itself to the realm of the Christian community. It will look to the historicity of the URCSA precisely because it has been bold enough to pen a confession that chastised Apartheid. / Philosophy and Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Theological ethics)

Blaming those who are different from us because of skin colour, nationality and language when things do not go right during the process of reconstruction is common among those who are faced with such a task. This assertion is confirmed by our examination and evaluation of xenophobia in post-apartheid South Africa and post-exilic Israel. In South Africa socio-economic and political reasons are cited for the rejection of African immigrants by some South Africans. The Jews in the post exilic period understood their religious, social and economic problems to be caused by others. What is more disturbing is that the Jews understood their xenophobia to be demanded or legitimised by God. These reasons for them necessitated hatred, isolation, stigmatisation and sometimes negative actions against foreigners. When we compare xenophobia in both post-apartheid South Africa and post-exilic Israel in this study, we find that factors such as identity, notion of superiority, negative perception of those who are different and use of power, play a major role in the exacerbation of xenophobia. In evaluating both situations, using the African principle of Ubuntu and Christian moral values, we are able to demonstrate that xenophobia as found in both situations is morally wrong since it is inhuman, selfish, racist/ethnocentric, discriminatory and often violent. Ubuntu and Christian values and principles such as human dignity, human rights, reciprocity, love, compassion, forgiveness, hospitality and community were sacrificed by South Africans and Jews in their dealings with foreigners in their respective situations. It is argued here that among other things in the case of South Africa, the reduction of inflammatory statements by government representatives and the media, education of the unemployed, the youth and workers; and the meeting of spiritual, material, humanitarian and moral needs by the Church, will help sensitise South Africans to the plight of African immigrants and migrants and will further deepen the ubuntu and Christian values. / Religious Studies and Arabic / D.Th.(Theological Ethics)