This thesis uses philosophical and conceptual analysis to examine communitarian critiques of homogenous liberal conceptions of citizenship and the contemporary recognition pressures in the Canadian polity. It attempts to make some observations on the degree of difference that the Canadian society could support without destroying the sentimental bond of citizenship that develops when citizens feel they belong to the same moral and political community. The assumption made in our introduction is that diversity or differentiation becomes too exaggerated when citizens no longer feel like they are similar and can reach agreement on common objectives. This thesis is consequentialist in nature. It seeks to respond to the question of whether or not the “federal spirit” that has preserved the Canadian state intact can help Canadians take the conceptual leap necessary to accept further differential citizenship for aboriginal and Québecois national minorities who seek expanded self-government and special provisions to preserve and promote their collectivities, and for non-territorial groups united by a shared life situation who seek group rights and representations. In Part I of this thesis we examine theoretical considerations about diversity and uniformity in both liberal and communitarian conceptions of citizenship and review Kymlicka’s attempt to reconcile cultural membership within liberal theory. We observe that liberals reject group rights and radical cultural pluralism out of concern that they may lead to a reduction of individual autonomy and an erosion of cross-group dialogue. We demonstrate that although the liberal state is not completely neutral with regards to the promotion of a certain conception of the good life, it is more neutral than a communitarian state because it provides for individual autonomy and creates a structure for democratic dialogue. However, Kymlicka’s work shows that within the global economy, cultural identity is an increasingly important qualitative element in an individual’s life, providing her with an enhanced local social structure and with personal self-respect. Although a reconciliation of liberal and communitarian conceptions of citizenship appear unlikely in pure theory, in the Canadian context, constitutional provisions have already acted to create elements of individual and collective rights. This reality implies that new theories have to be developed to explain the dynamic between individual and collective rights in particular political cultures. In Part II, we attempt to reconcile the fragmented concepts of citizenship which afflict the contemporary Canadian polity. This Thesis sets out that status quo federalism and homogenous liberal citizenship are threatening the stability of the Canadian polity. However, because of the interactive loyalties and differentiation inherent in the Canadian federal regime, federalism may provide the flexibility to accommodate the demands of Québécois, as well as aboriginal nationalists. Conversely, this thesis maintains that the arguments in favour of a politics of difference for oppressed social and cultural groups should be rejected, not on the grounds that these groups do not exist or that they do not speak in “different voices”, but because it would undermine the democratic dialogue and test the fragile ties which bond citizens to one another. A further reason to reject a politics of difference or radical cultural pluralism is that it would limit the autonomy of individual members of groups who want to be judged by their actions and words rather than their ethnicity, culture or gender. The liberal state can pursue policies to include non-territorial groups without granting group rights and representation. For their part, Aboriginal communities and the province of Quebec should be recognized as distinct societies in Canada. The meaning of distinct society should be defined using section 1 of the Charter as a model. These distinct societies should be given minor group right provisions, in order to preserve and promote their collectivities which do not violate fundamental human rights These minor provisions could be considered reasonable limitations in free and democratic aboriginal and Québécois distinct societies within Canada. Concomitantly, any new constitutional accommodation must also recognize that a precondition of federal citizenship is that all citizens whether members of self-governing aboriginal communities or citizens residing in the province of Quebec must accept decisions of the federal jurisdiction and be able to transcend their personal or national motivations and acknowledge their responsibility to others in the Canadian moral community if they hope to retain the benefits that our community provides all of its citizens.

This thesis purports to consider two related problems in Canadian citizenship laws. In the first chapter, a comparison is made between the American state citizenship and what could be called a provincial citizenship in Canada. In conclusion, it is asserted that there are more factors in the United States tending to standardize the content of the citizenship status between the states than between the provinces in Canada. Consequently, insofar as this content is determined by the states or the provinces, it can be said that Canadian provinces have been recognized by the laws of the constitution much more leeway than the American states to grant to the people they consider as their citizens a particular status which is distinct from the one possessed by citizens of other provinces. Moreover, the first chapter demonstrates that, both in Canada and in the United States, the purposes for which a formal citizenship has been created are mostly irrelevant for the determination of the classes of persons who are entitled to share in the rights and privileges granted on a territorial basis. This should normally lead to a recognition that aliens lawfully landed on the territory will he entitled to these rights privileges for internal purposes, and that classifications against aliens in this respect should be declared invalid in the United States and inoperative in Canada by virtue of the equality before the law provision of the Bill of Rights. A study, in the second chapter, of the judicial attitudes of Canadian judges concerning the interpretation of section 91 (25) of the B.N.A. Act has revealed that, even today, the judiciary is not likely to use the Bill of Rights as an effective tool to bring about a complete recognition of the rights aliens should have to share in the general citizenship status. The solution proposed is to reform the Supreme Court of Canada so as to give to this organ the representativeness and legitimacy it needs to feel free to depart from a legalistic application of the law; thus, the reliance on the Bill of Rights to render inoperative federal enactments could be supplemented by the availability of some "implied bill of rights" approach capable of effecting the same result as against provincial discrimination. Then, the distribution of persons (aliens and Indians) in the B.N.A. Act would become useless, and it could be removed, either judicially or by a formal constitutional amendment. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate

This thesis uses philosophical and conceptual analysis to examine communitarian critiques of homogenous liberal conceptions of citizenship and the contemporary recognition pressures in the Canadian polity. It attempts to make some observations on the degree of difference that the Canadian society could support without destroying the sentimental bond of citizenship that develops when citizens feel they belong to the same moral and political community. The assumption made in our introduction is that diversity or differentiation becomes too exaggerated when citizens no longer feel like they are similar and can reach agreement on common objectives. This thesis is consequentialist in nature. It seeks to respond to the question of whether or not the “federal spirit” that has preserved the Canadian state intact can help Canadians take the conceptual leap necessary to accept further differential citizenship for aboriginal and Québecois national minorities who seek expanded self-government and special provisions to preserve and promote their collectivities, and for non-territorial groups united by a shared life situation who seek group rights and representations. In Part I of this thesis we examine theoretical considerations about diversity and uniformity in both liberal and communitarian conceptions of citizenship and review Kymlicka’s attempt to reconcile cultural membership within liberal theory. We observe that liberals reject group rights and radical cultural pluralism out of concern that they may lead to a reduction of individual autonomy and an erosion of cross-group dialogue. We demonstrate that although the liberal state is not completely neutral with regards to the promotion of a certain conception of the good life, it is more neutral than a communitarian state because it provides for individual autonomy and creates a structure for democratic dialogue. However, Kymlicka’s work shows that within the global economy, cultural identity is an increasingly important qualitative element in an individual’s life, providing her with an enhanced local social structure and with personal self-respect. Although a reconciliation of liberal and communitarian conceptions of citizenship appear unlikely in pure theory, in the Canadian context, constitutional provisions have already acted to create elements of individual and collective rights. This reality implies that new theories have to be developed to explain the dynamic between individual and collective rights in particular political cultures. In Part II, we attempt to reconcile the fragmented concepts of citizenship which afflict the contemporary Canadian polity. This Thesis sets out that status quo federalism and homogenous liberal citizenship are threatening the stability of the Canadian polity. However, because of the interactive loyalties and differentiation inherent in the Canadian federal regime, federalism may provide the flexibility to accommodate the demands of Québécois, as well as aboriginal nationalists. Conversely, this thesis maintains that the arguments in favour of a politics of difference for oppressed social and cultural groups should be rejected, not on the grounds that these groups do not exist or that they do not speak in “different voices”, but because it would undermine the democratic dialogue and test the fragile ties which bond citizens to one another. A further reason to reject a politics of difference or radical cultural pluralism is that it would limit the autonomy of individual members of groups who want to be judged by their actions and words rather than their ethnicity, culture or gender. The liberal state can pursue policies to include non-territorial groups without granting group rights and representation. For their part, Aboriginal communities and the province of Quebec should be recognized as distinct societies in Canada. The meaning of distinct society should be defined using section 1 of the Charter as a model. These distinct societies should be given minor group right provisions, in order to preserve and promote their collectivities which do not violate fundamental human rights These minor provisions could be considered reasonable limitations in free and democratic aboriginal and Québécois distinct societies within Canada. Concomitantly, any new constitutional accommodation must also recognize that a precondition of federal citizenship is that all citizens whether members of self-governing aboriginal communities or citizens residing in the province of Quebec must accept decisions of the federal jurisdiction and be able to transcend their personal or national motivations and acknowledge their responsibility to others in the Canadian moral community if they hope to retain the benefits that our community provides all of its citizens. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Simon Fraser University, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 336-365). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://www.nlc-bnc.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD%5F0021/NQ37758.pdf.

The beginning of the twenty-first century is a time of far-reaching global changes; these changes have tremendous implications for the meaning of citizenship. Increasing connections of all kinds across borders and between cultures demand the reevaluation of traditional understandings of the relationship of individuals to the state and to each other in the public sphere. This thesis uses the testimony of Mexican immigrants to Vancouver, Canada, (a largely unresearched group at the forefront of these global changes) to query their experiences of the meaning of citizenship. Semistructured interviews in English and Spanish were conducted with twenty-seven respondents. Three dimensions of citizenship were found to be particularly important to this group. First, these immigrants operate within the structure of neoliberal nation-building projects of both the Mexican and the Canadian states. Two examples of such biopolitical mobilization (the National Solidarity Program in Mexico, and the federal multicultural policy in Canada) are examined in detail. Second, citizenship for Mexican immigrants is transnational; it is characterized by multiple, simultaneous economic, social, and political involvements in both Mexico and Canada. However, the actual extent of such transnationalism was found to be rather more limited than much transnational literature suggests. Third, belonging to a community is a central element of citizenship; these immigrants were found not to form a single cohesive community, but rather multiple, dispersed communities split along lines of class and other identity axes. This research demonstrates the challenges and opportunities that increasingly common hybrid identities present for the meaning and function of citizenship, particularly for an ethnic minority immigrant group maintaining strong ties to their country of origin.

The purpose of this study is to examine the role of the local Citizenship Council in assisting new immigrants upon their arrival in the community, and during their subsequent early residence in their new environment. The study considers the problems of organization and administration faced by the Councils; and the individual and group adjustments faced by the immigrant. The broad implications of community organization, and of education for citizenship, are also examined. Time and geographical factors limited the study to three Councils, located in Vancouver, Victoria, and Nanaimo. The essential material of the study has been derived from interviews with various executive members of the Councils concerned, and from perusal of their records and minutes of meetings. This resulted in some limitations, especially when the minutes or records were inadequate or incomplete. The study shows (1) the value of the guidance, leadership and stability provided by the Community Chest and Councils, when new organizations are formed within the community; (2) that a Council programme should evolve out of discussion and participation with local voluntary groups interested in the adjustment of the immigrant, and with the government agencies concerned; (3) membership should include representatives of ethnic groups, who should participate in planning the programme; and (4) that care is required in formulating any policy regarding citizenship education within the community; initially, their programme should be primarily concerned with meeting the immediate needs of the immigrant. It is hoped that this study will be of value to Citizenship Councils now functioning, by emphasizing the need for application of sound community organization principles; and will assist Councils now in the formative stage, by pointing out some of the difficulties encountered in creating a voluntary organization which attempts to work with diverse nationality groups. / Arts, Faculty of / Social Work, School of / Graduate

The beginning of the twenty-first century is a time of far-reaching global changes; these changes have tremendous implications for the meaning of citizenship. Increasing connections of all kinds across borders and between cultures demand the reevaluation of traditional understandings of the relationship of individuals to the state and to each other in the public sphere. This thesis uses the testimony of Mexican immigrants to Vancouver, Canada, (a largely unresearched group at the forefront of these global changes) to query their experiences of the meaning of citizenship. Semistructured interviews in English and Spanish were conducted with twenty-seven respondents. Three dimensions of citizenship were found to be particularly important to this group. First, these immigrants operate within the structure of neoliberal nation-building projects of both the Mexican and the Canadian states. Two examples of such biopolitical mobilization (the National Solidarity Program in Mexico, and the federal multicultural policy in Canada) are examined in detail. Second, citizenship for Mexican immigrants is transnational; it is characterized by multiple, simultaneous economic, social, and political involvements in both Mexico and Canada. However, the actual extent of such transnationalism was found to be rather more limited than much transnational literature suggests. Third, belonging to a community is a central element of citizenship; these immigrants were found not to form a single cohesive community, but rather multiple, dispersed communities split along lines of class and other identity axes. This research demonstrates the challenges and opportunities that increasingly common hybrid identities present for the meaning and function of citizenship, particularly for an ethnic minority immigrant group maintaining strong ties to their country of origin. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

Among the different immigration streams in Canada- family reunification, economic immigrants and refugee protection- newcomers have cited diverse experiences. This is problematic since Canada has a goal of increasing its population to a hundred million within the next seventy-eight years (Century Initiative, 2020). Sixty-two million new Canadians facing inconsistent settlement experiences would be considered a failure of this policy (Century Initiative, 2020). The literature of integration in Canada diverges into two streams: economic model of conformity and socio-cultural. According to the literature, Canada’s immigration policies use more of an economic conformity model than a socio-cultural conformity model of integration, with the former more widely cited. The strength of Canada’s economic conformity model was challenged when comparing immigration policies and immigrant outcomes with Australia and New Zealand. Using a case-oriented comparative analysis, performance indicators demonstrated that Canada had the strongest socio-cultural integration policies between the three cases. These findings were triangulated by a document analysis of Immigration, Refugee and Citizenship Canada’s departmental plans and performance reports from 1998 till 2020. Analyzing the evolution of immigration policies across the different streams found that the federal government decentralized policies and programs to the provincial level. This allowed newcomers to better adapt to the needs and environment of their specific provinces, confirming Canada’s socio-cultural approach to integration. Canada’s strength in its immigration policy resulted in the federal government’s ability to decentralize programs and policies to the provincial level such as welcoming and integrating new immigrants. The document analysis also found inconsistencies with performance indicators measuring integration across the three streams: economic immigrants were only assessed on economic integration factors whereas family reunified immigrants and refugees were only assessed on socio-cultural integration indicators. / Graduate

This thesis explores the ways in which modern history-writing practices reiterate race-based categories of citizenship. To investigate these practices across time, I have examined discourses produced by the United Farm Women of Alberta (UFWA) in 1925, and discourses produced by the contemporary magazine American Renaissance (AR). The UFWA were concerned with the promotion and definition of citizenship, and in so doing laid race as a foundation of Canadian identity. AR is a magazine that concerns itself with white nationalism in the contemporary United States. Drawing upon Avery Gordon and Wendy Brown’s theories of history and haunting, I have situated these discourses in imaginative relation to one another, illuminating the “past” in the present. I have also critically examined how I am complicit in reproducing the historical practices under study; as an architecture of history, haunting helps to imagine alternatives for the study of history and social life, particularly our own. / vii, 160 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm