Cissie Gool was an extraordinary presence on Cape Town's political and social scene in the first half of the twentieth century. She was the first black woman to preside over a national liberatory organisation, the National Liberation League (1935), and the Non-European United Front (1938). She was the only black woman to be elected to the Cape Town City Council before 1994, where she served for 25 years. She was the first black woman to obtain a Master's Degree in Psychology at the University of Cape Town, where she studied on and off from 1918 to the year of her death, 1963. In 1962 she graduated with a BA (LLB), and was the first black woman to be invited to the Cape Bar. This thesis explores the childhood and early life of Cissie Gool. I examine influences on her political development before she became the leader of the National Liberation League in 1935. This period of her life has left few material traces. Methodologically, this thesis confronts a challenge facing those who wish to discover hidden lives in the South African past. I argue that it is possible to trace influences on such a life if one shifts the lens through which one conducts historical research. Working with a paucity of sources, where most of the people who knew Cissie Gool as a young person are deceased, this thesis searches for and highlights key influences on Gool's early personal-political development. The thesis rests on a number of premises rooted in feminist theory. I begin from the position that 'the personal is political' and take seriously the argument that the family is a key engine of historical process. I take issue with the statement in much of the secondary literature that Cissie Gool was (merely) 'the younger daughter of Dr Abdurahman', which obscures the fact that this relationship was embedded in a family, in which Cissie's mother was at least as important as her father, and where being a younger daughter with an older sister was significant too. While recognising the significance of the fact that Cissie Gool was fathered by Dr Abdurahman, I underline the centrality of women in a patriarchal society where early socialisation is the specific task of women, and where women and girls experience some degree of social segregation from men and boys. In addition to focusing the lens on family dynamics, I trace sometimes tenuous but nevertheless, real threads linking Cissie Gool to particular political circles on the left in Cape Town in the 1920s and 1930s. I suggest that the leftist heterodoxy which characterised the mature Cissie Gool may be linked to a kindred political spirit among some of her early acquaintances, specifically those at the University of Cape Town, counterposed with the more rigid orthodoxies of friends of the Communist Party on the one hand, and on the other, the so-called Trotskyite purists with whom she was linked by marriage. Cissie Gool, may have been unique in her involvement in all three circles, which intersected at socials hosted by herself and her husband, Dr A H Gool. The androcentricity of both the secondary literature and contemporary documentary sources obscures the specifics of Cissie Gool's political development in this period. Nevertheless, this thesis is based on the premise that, in the absence of more concrete sources, an exploration of the various political circles with which Cissie Gool was associated, in the wider political and socio-economic context of 1920s and 1930s Cape Town, permits one to gain insight into key influences on the political development of Cissie Gool.

Originally presented as the author's thesis, Universität Erlangen- Nürnberg, Erlangen. / Bibliography: p. iv-viii.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Carleton University, 1983. / Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Originally presented as the author's thesis, Universität Erlangen- Nürnberg, Erlangen. / Bibliography: p. iv-viii.

No description available.

In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries Progressive reformers attacked the problem of corruption and lack of efficiency in city government. Reform groups in individual cities banded together in the National Municipal League and, because they believed that partisan politics were the root of the problem, attempted to devise a system which would remove politics from municipal government. Their work culminated in the introduction of the city manager, or as it is often called council-manager, form of city government. Under this plan, which closely resembles the organization of a business corporation, the elected council would serve as a board of directors and the city manager as the operating head of city government. Reformers hoped that by taking the day-to-day decisions out of the hands of elected officials and placing them in the hands of a professionally trained manager they might remove the stigma of corruption and partisanship from city government and promote efficiency. Whether this plan as it was originally conceived was or was not successful in Dallas is the subject of this thesis.

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Teachers College, Columbia University. / Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: Richard F. W. Whittemore. Dissertation Committee: Mary Ellen Oliverio. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1966. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

M.Com. (Business Management) / Any organisation being it at local authority or private sector concern operates in an ever changing and dynamic macro-environment. The City Council of Nelspruit realised this fact and conducted a situational analysis 10 conjunction with the National Productivity Institute during the first half of 1989. The situational analysis established that departmental plans and actions were not effectively coordinated and focussed towards the attainment of goals and objectives. Certain recommendations followed and as a result a strategic management model was implemented during the second half of 1989. Local Authorities find themselves since then. and even more since the promulgation of the Local Authorities Transitional Act (214 of 1993). in an even more volatile and dynamic macro-environment. It was therefore decided to conduct a literature search in order to recommend a recent and applicable strategic management model to the City Council of Nelspruit. The fact that local authorities forms part of the structure of government is pointed out while the unique role and function of local authorities in the process of governance is stressed. Attention is also given to important differences between public sector and private sector concerns. Particular attention is also given to the strategic management model as devised by Pearce & Robinson (l991: 11). This model describes strategic management as "the set of decisions and actions that result in the formulation and implementation of plans designed to achieve a company's objectives". In the study special attention is given to the implementation of the strategic management model. Strategic managers' attention is drawn to the fact that the organisational structure should he supportive to the chosen strategy. Management's attention is also drawn to the fact that the desired organisational culture is of utmost importance for the successful implementation of strategic plans. The literature search clearly indicated that the strategic management model of Pearce & Robinson (1991: II) can be implemented at the City Council of Nelspruit because it provides a step by step process whilst allowing management to take cognisance of the unique circumstances of the organisation. The use of checklists for the implementation of the strategic planning model is recommended. Each checklist provides management with a number of questions to guide the implementation process. Certain recommendations are made in the last chapter of the study. First of all it is recommended that the suggested strategic management model be implemented by means of checklists. Secondly, that councillors and officials be trained in the principles of strategic management. The strategic plan should thirdly be published and communicated to an the stakeholders and fourthly that the value of strategic management and the influence of the integration of local authorities be researched.

The motive of this is to treat [The study on the correlation between the media exposure rate and the ways of interpellation of the representatives and their interactions with the press.---The case of The Kaohsiung City Council]¡CAccording to Yuon-Mau Chao(1988), through practicing the interpellation by the representatives, the city council is able to oversee and to check and balance the administrative department, to reveal the administration deficiency and abuse, make people understand the problems of the their township and reflect the opinions of the citizen; The interpellation is not just the right but also the obligation of the representatives, but not all the topics concerned by the representatives are favored by the press. Therefore, this thesis is to study how would the ways of interpellation of the representatives and their interaction with the press correlated with the media exposure rate¡D According to the historical documents of Kaohsiung City Council, After Taiwan was recovered from Japan, a bill named "the Plans for Establishing Representative Organizations at Different Levels" was implemented on December 26,1945 to carry out local autonomy. According to the promulgated regulations of "Organization Act of City People's Political Councils" and "Election Act of City Councilors", Kaohsiung City People's Political Council was founded on April 13, 1946. It was renamed as Kaohsiung City Council on January 11, 1951 and was subjected to Taiwan Provincial Assembly. On July 1, 1979, Kaohsiung City was elevated to a special municipality under the direct supervision of Executive Yuan and The City Council shifted to Kaohsiung City Provisional Council. On December 25, 1981, the councilors of the first term of the City Council of Kaohsiung special municipality were inaugurated¡CNowadays, the 7th term of the City Council of Kaohsiung has 44 councilors, including the KMT¡BPFT¡BDPP¡BTSU and NPA et al but they can be grouped into two main factions : the Blue faction(KMT¡BPFT) and the Green faction(DPP¡BTSU); No matter which faction the councilors are belonged to, most of them would strive for more government resources through official or nonofficial to be denoted to local constructions in order to consolidate his influence and votes¡D The councilors directly elected by the people are responsible for speaking for the people and have the right to canvass the bills and the budget for the city government¡CTherefore, the action of the councilor is going to affect some people, and become one of the resources of important news¡CBut not all representatives¡¦ speeches and actions are going to be favored by the press and gain a positive report, the correlation between the media exposure rate and the ways of interpellation of the representatives and their interaction with the press is the key theme of this research¡D This study takes the 7th term councilors of the City Council of Kaohsiung as the research population, and apply the [case study method] to study the correlations between the interpellation of the councilors in the parliament¡Bthe public hearing outside the parliament¡Bsymposium¡Bmediation council¡Bpress conference¡Bprotest led by the councilor et al and the councilors¡¦ interactions with the press and the media exposure rate. We hope to find out some valuable conclusions and concrete advises on the councilors shooting for media exposure and the presentations of the news by the reporters¡D