Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1961. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 262-295).

Thesis (M.A.)--Rutgers University, 2009. / "Graduate Program in Liberal Studies." Includes bibliographical references (p. 27).

Thesis (M.S.)--Florida State University, 2005. / Advisor: Dr. Davis W. Houck, Florida State University, College of Communication, Dept. of Communication. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed June 13, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains vi, 84 pages. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2007. / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 284 p. : port. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 238-253).

This biography is a testament to one man's courage and resolve in the struggle for equality of opportunity. The Reverend Charles Kenzie Steele, despite threats from segregationists, harassment from law enforcement and economic reprisals, never wavered in his commitment to the cause of civil rights in Florida and the nation. Steele's contributions to the success of the Civil Rights Movement have, prior to this study, never been completely documented. C. K. Steele provided leadership in one of the most turbulent periods in American history. The Tallahassee bus boycott began in May, 1956, as a spontaneous student protest. Steele emerged as the leader of a city-wide protest involving most of the local African-American community. As president of the Tallahassee Inter-Civic Council, Steele conducted a successful desegregation campaign of the city transit system. The ICC also provided vital assistance to the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) led campaign against segregated public accommodations, housing and schools in Leon County. Because of Steele's influence, the two civil rights organizations conducted the campaign without serious discord. Steele's ability to inspire cooperation was an invaluable asset to the South's primary civil rights organization, The Southern Christian Leadership Conference. Steele was one of the founders of SCLC, and served as its first executive vice president from the organization's inception until his death in 1980. SCLC, led by the Reverend Doctor Martin Luther King, Jr., coordinated most of the civil rights activity in the nation. As a member of its governing body, Steele played an active leadership role in every major civil rights campaign in the South between 1956 and 1968. Steele's role in the Civil Rights Movement has been determined by careful examination of archival materials, his personal correspondence, and interviews with individuals who knew him personally. These materials provide a portrait of a Christian minister wholly dedicated to the cause of justice.

As women in South Africa, it is important for us to understand the nature of our oppression, for it is only after understanding it, can we identify the target of our attack and plan the appropriate strategy and tactics for our struggle. Black women in South Africa suffer three types of oppression. 1. Political oppression, which is common to all blacks in South Africa, ie. the denial of rights to vote for or choose the type of government we want, and the denial of rights as a people in South Africa. 2. Economic oppression as black workers in South Africa. Black women workers are even more exploited than men workers. They are paid lower wages for the same job, are treated as temporary staff and can be fired at anytime especially if they fall pregnant. 3. Social oppression which stems from the idea that women are born inferior to men and therefore have to play an inferior role in society. The socialization process starts at birth and women and men are geared towards certain roles in society. Men most often towards leadership positions and professional jobs and women towards household duties and secretarial jobs. This socialization process continues throughout ones life such that most people accept it as a natural phenomenon and a way of life. Having understood the forms of oppression, we can see that the struggle is not between men and women, where men are seen as the source of our oppression. Nor is it a struggle for mechanical equality between men and women ie. being paid the same wages as men, and having equal status as men in society, because this will mean equality within the present status quo. Our struggle is a struggle between womenand the existing social order. It is a struggle of the oppressed against oppression. Our main weapons in the struggle for liberation are UNITY and ORGANISATION. Unity is realised through common effort, links are forged through collective work and study, through criticism and self-critcism and through action against opression. Organization can be achieved through women's groups and organization. A women's group's first demand should be the clarification of our ideas, to get rid of miscosepts and erroneous ideas concerning the role and liberation of women. A women's group usually tackles the question of social oppresion, but more important, it must be seen as a stepping stone towards involvement in the broader struggle can we destroy the foundations of exploitative society and rebuild society on new foundations. Foundations built on the demands of the FREEDOM CHARTER. “The fundamental struggle is for national liberation of the oppressed people of South Africa, and any women's organization that stands outside this struggle must stand apart from the mass of women. What was realised by the Federation of South African Women was that it would be impossible for women to achieve their rights as women in a society in which so many fundamental rights are denied to both men and women by virtue of their colour and their class. Therefore just as there can be no revolution without the liberation of women, the struggle for women's emancipation cannot succeed without the victory of the revolution".

The objective of this thesis is to create a broad perspective of Martin Luther King, Jr. and his times by placing him and his goal of creating the "beloved community" to the test of his environment: the feeling and behavior of those people whose hearts and habits he struggled to change or direct. In order to achieve this, this multi-media script, based in history, places King in contrasting settings. Act I finds King in Montgomery where with a great deal of support he wins over vocal southern segregationists in court. In contrast, Act II takes place in the Lawndale slums of Chicago where King finds sparse support and an elusive northern power structure. Each scene can be described in terms of stresses Martin Luther King, Jr. or those whose lives he touched face. Since this work is a thesis and not solely a play, extensive references are provided so that the reader may distinguish the historical basis of' the thesis from the author's use of dramatic license. For easy and necessary reference a page of footnotes follows each page of script.

I began this project with the question of how today's social justice activists might find a useable history in a massively influential text like Eyes on the Prize. Thus, the broad question that motivated this rhetorical inquiry was: what means are available to people interested in social change, but whose access to the resources to influence society is limited? One important resource that oppressed peoples can lay claim to is a shared sense of the past. Through a critical analysis of Eyes on the Prize, this dissertation examines shared memory as a resource for rhetorical production. I am interested not only in how the past is re-presented in the documentary, but also what resources the documentary provides its audience to consider and take action for social change. The films present memories that complicate or run counter to the dominant narrative of the black freedom struggle and thereby make available a reservoir of rhetoric power for a political present. My analysis suggests that Eyes on the Prize does not contradict public memory's dominant values of the black freedom struggle, but it does resist their blind adherence. The documentary does not force viewers to take sides on divisive issues like separation/integration or violence/nonviolence. Instead it allows them to realize that these concepts are dialectical. These are, in my estimation, productive tensions. Eyes on the Prize is an excellent pedagogical tool for producing citizen activists. Although activism gives way to electoralism by the end of the documentary, activism is portrayed positively in the documentary. There are certainly costs to activism, as some activists experienced in the most extreme way. However, the heroes of Eyes on the Prize are certainly the activists. In an analysis of a text's rhetorical potential, it is also necessary to acknowledge how the text limits rhetorical possibility. Significantly, Eyes on the Prize inadequately addresses the importance of class in the black freedom struggle. The lacuna of class in the documentary neglects fundamental changes in the goals and tactics of the black freedom struggle and limits the material and psychological structures that maintain racism. / text