Abstract Not Available.

Abstract Not Available.

This Thesis examines the Hellenocentric trend in Herodotos' History, and the use of a dominant female motif to illustrate the superiority of the Greeks. It has been pointed out that Herodotos "is an important and generally neglected witness to fifth-century assumptions and attitudes about women in society" (Dewald 1981, 91). This statement certainly holds true for much of Herodotos' ethnographic material, and he seems to escape the narrow ethnocentrism reflected in later writers. However, Herodotos was much more than an ethnographer, and therefore much more than a witness. He was primarily an artist, and undeniably influenced by Homer. His own ideas concerning limit, transgression, and nomos are discernible throughout his work. Free invention and manipulation of material, without distortion of facts, were, in my opinion, not only acceptable to Herodotos, but necessary to achieve the desired composition. The subjective nature of Herodotos' work can be established, and his own personal biases must therefore be considered. Two of these biases need concern us: the one towards women, and the other towards the Persians. Herodotos certainly acknowledges the value and necessity of a reciprocity between men and women in the cultures he describes, and yet his perception undoubtedly reflects that of a fifth century Greek male. He demonstrates his own authorial bias concerning women in 1.196, where men are dearly more important than women. Here Herodotos gives his personal stamp of approval. The 'otherness' of Persia in fifth century Greek tragedy has been observed in recent years, and the theory that Persia is described as a diametrically opposed 'other' culture in Herodotos has also been suggested. It is, however, a combination of facts together with elements of 'otherness' and Herodotos' own artistic technique that make up Persian culture in the History . If male supremacy was the norm in Herodotos' own culture, what would be the norm in the anti-Greek 'other' culture? The answer is a society where women seem to be in control and seem to be superior to men, and this is the Persian society we see in Herodotos.

Le De deo Socratis d'Apulee parut vers l'an 160 de notre ere. Le sujet principal de cet opuscule etait le demon de Socrate que Platon a souvent mentionne dans ses discours. Deux siecles et demi plus tard, saint Augustin consacra une partie importante de La Cite de Dieu a refuter la demonologie d'Apulee. La these compare les opinions d'Apulee et celles qu'Augustin lui attribue. Cette comparaison demontre qu'Augustin a deforme la pensee d'Apulee sur plusieurs points essentiels.

The speeches in Thucydides have long been a source of lively historical controversy. Many scholars have discounted their historical veracity in differing degrees. This has been true even of the speeches of Pericles, particularly his famous Funeral Oration, although scholarly objections to the content and tone of the Periclean speeches have largely been of a purely subjective nature. However, an examination of how the Homeric h&d5; ,qov , with its stringent demand for the studied cultivation and possession of timh&d12; and a ,r3t h&d12; , functions within the speeches of Pericles as a key motivating force for the steadfast pursuance of a highly aggressive foreign policy, sheds an interesting light on the question of the historical nature of the speeches and the outbreak of the Athenian-Peloponnesian War. In conjunction with this "Homeric reading" to the speeches, a further consideration of the more realistic analyses of modern manifestations of Realpolitik in the sphere of international politics and diplomacy, adduces additional support for the acceptance of the speeches of Pericles as important forms of historical evidence for the basic workings of Machtpolitik.

The symposion is the most frequently represented artistic theme on Attic red-figure containers of the Archaic period. Within this fundamental theme lie several sub-themes, many of which we know from literary sources--of this period and later--to have been the defining activities of the symposion: wine, entertainment (dancing, music and song), conversation and last, but certainly not least, sex. One activity in particular portrayed on these containers is the singing of a poem, a practice which soon came to be known as singing the $\sigma\kappa\acute o\lambda\iota o\nu,$ or $\acute\eta\ \pi\alpha\rho o\acute\iota\nu\iota\alpha\ {\buildrel{,}\over{\\omega}}\grave o\acute\eta,$ a term which, it is argued, we can properly extend back to the Archaic period. These visual representations of sympotic singing offer a valuable record of the public performance of poetry in Archaic Greece, and offer a glimpse into the mechanics of the practice of the $\sigma \kappa \acute o \lambda\iota o\nu$. A small group of containers (numbering about fourteen) also record the song itself--at least in part--by means of dipinto (or once, incised) inscriptions; some of these verse-scraps have been paralleled to surviving poetry of the period. This thesis catalogues and examines these containers and their inscriptions as evidence, after examining in detail the surviving literary record, for the practice of the $\sigma\kappa\acute o\lambda\iota o\nu$. Original solutions for previously misunderstood verse-scraps are proposed and two containers preserving verse-scraps are identified for the first time as records of $\sigma\kappa o\lambda\acute\iota\alpha.$ It is concluded that, while this small group of containers cannot be entirely representative of the total body of surviving material evidence for the practice of the $\sigma\kappa\acute o\lambda\iota o\nu$, there are striking parallels between the artistic and literary records which call for attention of a wider scope.

This study, an investigation into Ambrose of Milan's thought on the human body, is based on his writings which provide a panorama of intellectual and spiritual development recorded over the course of his twenty-three year bishopric (A. D. 374-397). Adding to earlier research, this study proposes an examination of one major idea within this remarkable man's literary legacy. Although he never wrote a specific treatise on the subject, his works are imbued with the genesis, nature, meanings and religious significance of the human body. Ambrose's anthropological thought is permeated with the tridimensional dynamic of God, humanity and the world. From this essential premise, his thoughts, beliefs and attitudes flow. In his deliberations, descriptions and interpretations about the human body, he subjugates both Classical and Christian sources to his perceived task, a Christian understanding of human nature. The framework follows an incremental pattern which describes and interprets bodily nature. Seven interpretative levels provide a systematic model of inquiry for textual and conceptual analyses. Special emphasis is given to Ambrose's adaptation of the Stoic infrarational faculties. The interpretative levels describe the human body as constituted, created, healthy, controlled by passions, mediated by reason, celebrated and transformed. This theoretical construct illuminates the data drawn from his writings in an orderly fashion.

This dissertation surveys and analyzes the development of the Greek and Latin paraklausithuron (paraclausithyron) from its earliest origins through to Horace, but omits detailed discussion of Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid. It examines not only true paraklausithura, the actual songs or speeches of excluded lovers at their beloveds' doors, but also paraklausithuric situations, where reference is made to a paraklausithuron or to a situation in which a paraklausithuron can easily be presumed to have been sung or said. The survey occupies Chapters 2 and 3 and shows that the paraklausithuron was more popular and pervasive than has been previously recognized. In Chapter 2, paraklausithuric passages are identified in early Greek lyric; it is suggested that Gnesippus was a possible major early influence on the development of the literary paraklausithuron; paraklausithuric parodies are found as early as Aristophanes. Other authors discussed in depth include Euripides and Theocritus. Chapter 3 surveys the paraklausithuron from Plautus through Lucretius, Catullus, and Horace. Throughout, the occurrence and manipulation of topoi are noted and discussed briefly. For the more important topoi, cross-listings are given for occurrences in other paraklausithura. Chapter 1 analyses and defines what is meant by the word "paraklausithuron", supports its utility against the word "komos", states this paper's definitions of "genre" and "topoi", and discusses the connection between the pasaklausithuron and the komos. The survey of the genre before Latin elegy is followed in Chapter 4 by an analysis of several of the most prominent aspects of the relationship between paraklausithura before and in Latin elegy. The identity and status of the paraklausithuric beloved is discussed first, followed by some of the possible religious implications of Greek versus Roman paraklausithura. Finally, by using primary sources from other cultures of antiquity, it is shown that the continued popularity of the paraklausithuron is due to the paraklausithuric situation's essential grounding in reality. Appendix 1 provides a listing, with texts, of paraklausithuric passages after Latin elegy. Appendix 2 contains a word list extracted from the texts presented in Chapters 2 and 3, and Appendix 1.

This historical commentary on the Metz Epitome, a late fragmentary account of Alexander's exploits, compares the work with the extant early Alexander historians. The sources of the anonymous author have much in common with the Cleitarchan historians, in particular, Diodorus Siculus and Quintus Curtius Rufus. Non-Cleitarchan elements in the text seem to reflect a certain affinity with a Hebraic tradition concerning Alexander. An examination of the author's methodology suggests that "epitome" is not an accurate description of the work in question. The anonymous author has achieved a unique portrait of Alexander and included information not found elsewhere. In view of its late authorship and the few new crumbs of historical fact it offers, the value of the Metz Epitome lies in its interpretation of Alexander's career rather than as a source for it.

The first usage of the ship of state allegory is commonly attributed to the seventh century B.C. poet Alcaeus. While it is true that in his corpus of poetry we see the first explicit usage of such imagery, the possibility that it was employed by earlier poets is strong. This thesis is a detailed examination of five fragmentary poems and commentaries, its purpose being to determine Alcaeus' sources of inspiration for the ship of state allegory and to assess the degree of his originality and his effectiveness in using it. After surveying contemporary literary sources for definitions of allegory, it can be established that the ancients viewed it as a lengthened metaphor or metaphorical sequence, employed to veil the meaning of a text. The expressions chosen by Alcaeus to describe the travails of the ship are then examined to determine whether he has directly imitated or adapted phrases from his literary predecessors and if this is so, to assess the effectiveness of the imitation in terms of an allegorical representation of political strife. Although it is evident that Alcaeus adopts images and expressions previously employed, this study reveals that he is creative in assigning new meaning to certain expressions and that he imitates passages for their power to evoke a particular image. The association with the model is subsequently elaborated upon through the employment of unusual choices in vocabulary, either to sustain dual imagery or predispose his audience to think in figurative terms. Thus the evocation of images from earlier authors coupled with key internal allegorical indicators allows Alcaeus to convey successfully to his closed audience their political plight in the guise of danger at sea. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)