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<p>This dissertation focuses on the artistic, archaeological, and literary representation and commemoration of the Classical Athenian navy. While the project stresses the various and often contradictory ways in which the Athenians perceived and represented their navy, its larger purpose is to argue that the integration of multiple and various media has the potential to change long-standing interpretations of ancient societies and cultures. Relying on the literary evidence of the "Old-Oligarch" and Plato, scholars have traditionally held that the 5th-century Athenian navy and its rowers were viewed by their contemporaries as a "mob" and a locus for citizen "riff-raff." Yet careful consideration of the vases, monuments, and buildings of 5th-century Athens, as well as the literary output of the period, demonstrate that the navy held a far more complex, and at times even positive, position in Athenian society.</p> / Dissertation

<p> Prior to the addition of Egypt to the imperial state of Rome, the presence and influence of Roman culture in Egypt was not as strong as it was in other regions surrounding the Mediterranean. Under Augustus&rsquo; rule, Egypt was added to Rome&rsquo;s growing empire and the grain which grew so very well along the Nile began to flow out of Egypt towards Rome. Egyptian cities such as Alexandria became entrepots for Rome where trade was centered. This addition to the empire provided larger and different markets of exchange which enabled goods and ideas to be transferred within the cities of Egypt. These goods and ideas permeated the centers of exchange and their surrounding regions. As the influence of Rome grew within the metropoles of Egypt during its imperial reign, the lines which previously categorized and defined the boundaries of ethnicity and identity in the region began to blur.</p><p> In the wake of decolonization, historians have postulated that identity has become less of an absolute within modern empires. Recently there has been an increase of scholarship surrounding the phenomenon of identity in the ancient world, specifically looking at identity within imperial political systems. This work will utilize some aspects of modern imperial theory to attempt to show that identity within Rome&rsquo;s empire was in many ways similar to more modern imperial states. I will be using a variety of primary sources to supplement the secondary academic work I will also utilize. Specifically I will be looking at Imperial decrees, coins, papyrus documents (personal letters, receipts, legal documents, and army discharges), inscriptions, material culture, public spaces, and recent archaeology (funeral arrangements and Roman Mummies). Through looking at and analyzing these primary sources I will attempt to show how identity formation in Roman Egypt was blurred and not set by clear distinctions. The use of multiple differing primary sources and modern imperial theories have not, to my understanding, be attempted thus far. Nor has my claim been argued, that while there was a Romanization of those in Egypt, there was also a slight Egyptianzation of those Romans living in Egypt.</p>

This dissertation examines the poetic construction of geography in Statius' Silvae. As poems composed by Statius to praise his patrons, the Silvae are shaped by the social relationships of first-century Rome and reflect in many ways the worldview of contemporary Roman elites. In the Flavian era, political, military, technological, and commercial developments contributed to an increasingly important ideology of spatial control; the Empire was seen as encompassing the inhabited world, which was subject to Roman dominion and knowledge. Statius' treatment of geography in the Silvae, often dismissed as rhetorical embellishment, in fact presents a vision of the Empire and the world related to but distinct from this "official" geographical ideology. I develop this argument in a series of thematically organized chapters, in which I read the Silvae both collectively, to elucidate the worldview of the corpus as a whole, and individually, to demonstrate the ways in which Statius uses geography for particular poetic and social purposes. I first examine Statius’ general presentation of the Empire, which combines traditional imperialistic methods of viewing global space with contemporary political and military developments. In Silvae 3.2, an example of Statian travel narrative, the connection between military conquest and geographical knowledge is most extensively elaborated across Italy, the Empire, and the extra-imperial world. A discussion of the geographical significance of imported household luxuries shows how the poet establishes a correspondence between domestic and imperial spaces. Finally, I examine the association between geography and ethnicity in Silvae 4.5, in which Statius uses the ethnographical and poetic traditions to blur the distinction between native and assimilated identities. Statius regularly draws on the traditions of poetic and scientific geography, but he also updates his “map” to reflect the changing world of the Flavian era. But while Statius’ geography generally expresses the imperial vision of his patrons, it is not monolithic; he also constructs more private geographies, which complement this political and Rome-centered worldview. The geography of the Silvae thus also serves to enhance the poet’s personal friendship with his patrons, his praise of his various addressees, and his self-presentation as a learned poet. / The Classics

<p> The purpose of this thesis is to suggest why Athenian oligarchs reacted against the democratic agenda of Panhellenism in 413&ndash;411. Panhellenism was a gradual process of Greek cultural unification, which took on a politicized connotation after the Persian Wars calling for the accession of a hegemon to oppose the Persian Empire. This thesis examines the differences in political ideology between oligarchs and democrats, the increasing economic burdens on oligarchs to finance the Peloponnesian War, and the rift between oligarchic restraint (<i>sophrosyne</i>) and democratic courage (<i>andreia </i> ) as the reasons for the oligarchs' opposition to Panhellenism after the failed Sicilian Expedition. By examining Thucydides' <i>History </i>, various speeches of the Attic orators and Athenian plays, as well as incorporating inscriptionary evidence, this thesis shows that Panhellenism was indeed not a universally held notion in Athens, and that further study must be done on the fragmentary nature of Athenian Panhellenism in the Classical Period.</p>

<p> This thesis investigates the role that <i>furor</i> and other negative emotional states have on Aeneas' mission in the <i>Aeneid</i>. The role of the Fates is to enact change on a large scale, and this is achieved through destruction, which is caused by mortal and immortal agents manipulated by emotion. While Aeneas is trained to control his desires in the first half of the epic, in the second his rage and passions are spurred by supernatural forces. </p><p> This study will discuss the major plot points where emotion and rage interact with the main goal of Aeneas and the Fates. Included is a linguistic analysis wherein key prototypical terms - <i>fatum, amor</i>, and <i> furor</i> - are arranged visually on graphs that show their placements line-by-line and locations relative to each other. The contention is that at various points, <i>fatum</i> causes <i>amor</i> which leads to <i>furor</i>, which leads to change, and thus <i> fatum</i>.</p>

<p> This study traces a persistent connection between the image of disease and the concept of difference in Plato&rsquo;s <i>Gorgias, Phaedo</i>, and <i>Timaeus</i>. Whether the disease occurs in the body, soul, city, or cosmos, it always signals an unassimilated difference that is critical to the argument. I argue that Plato represents&mdash;and induces&mdash;diseases of difference in order to produce philosophers, skilled in the art of differentiation. Because his dialogues intensify rather than cure difference, his philosophy is better characterized as a &ldquo;higher pathology&rdquo; than a form of therapy. </p><p> An introductory section on <i>Sophist</i> lays out the main features of the concept of difference-in-itself and concisely presents its connection to disease. The main chapters examine the relationship in different realms. In the first chapter, the problem is moral and political: in the <i> Gorgias</i>, rhetoric is a corrupting force, while philosophy purifies the city and soul by drawing distinctions. In the second chapter on <i> Phaedo</i>, the problem is epistemological: if we correctly interpret the illness of misology, as the despair caused by the inability to consistently distinguish truth and falsity, we can resolve the mystery of Socrates&rsquo; cryptic last words (&ldquo;We owe a cock to Asclepius; pay the debt and do not neglect it&rdquo;). In the third chapter on <i>Timaeus</i>, Plato treats diseases of the soul, the body, and the cosmos itself. There, the correlation between disease and difference actually helps humans situate themselves in the vast universe&mdash;for in both cases, proper differentiation is the key to a healthy, well-constructed life. </p><p> My emphasis on Plato&rsquo;s theory of difference counters the traditional focus on his theory of Forms. Elucidating the link between the concept of difference and the experience of disease has broader impact for the ageless question of how we should live our lives. In Plato&rsquo;s system, neither disease nor difference is a wholly negative element to be eradicated. Instead, difference and disease, in their proper proportions, are responsible for the fullness of the world and the emergence of the philosophical subject.</p><p>

As traditionally interpreted, Socrates in Plato's early dialogues believes virtue is practical wisdom, valuable primarily as a means to happiness, but he has little or nothing to say about what constitutes happiness. I defend a novel interpretation on which Socrates believes happiness consists in being virtuous and virtue is philosophical knowledge. My interpretation makes better sense of all of Socrates' claims. Chapter I introduces the exegetic problem and summarizes my solution. Chapter II shows that virtue in Plato's Euthydemus is knowledge of good and bad. It also shows that the value Socrates attributes to it there is instrumental. However, though Socrates does argue that virtue is necessary for happiness, he does not consider it instrumentally sufficient for happiness. In the Apology and Crito, however, Socrates claims that virtue is sufficient for happiness and that it cannot be taken away, as Chapter III shows. I argue that the sufficiency-claim comes from Socrates' belief that virtue's intrinsic value makes its possessor happy, supporting this with other evidence from the Apology and Crito. Based on this evidence, I conclude that virtue is for Socrates the sole intrinsic good. Chapter IV shows that Socrates thinks he possesses knowledge of good and bad. Socrates expresses a paramount desire to philosophize, even after death if possible; he must therefore expect that philosophizing will yield further results. Given that virtue is Socrates' sole ultimate end, I conclude that virtue in Plato's early dialogues consists in philosophical knowledge, including but not limited to knowledge of good and bad. Chapter V shows that Socrates' belief in the invulnerability of the virtuous cannot be fully explained unless he believes that death cannot take away one's knowledge. I show that Socrates' claims about death in the Apology and Crito uphold this interpretation. I also show how my interpretation of Socrates' views about death can be used to corroborate Chapter III's main conclusion. Tying together Socrates' views on virtue, death, and philosophy, Chapter VI explains Socrates' belief that injuring others injures the agent: By diminishing one's pool of potential interlocutors, injuring others fails to maximize one's philosophical knowledge.