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<p>The aim of this thesis has been to explore agonism, and the relationship of individual and collective in Classical Greece, through the lens of athletic competition at the panhellenic sanctuaries. This study moves beyond the presumed dichotomy of <em>agon</em> and <em>homonoia </em>upon which the standard view of agonism in modern scholarship has been predicated to explore the ways in which agonism functions precisely within and is structured by <em>polis</em> society, even as the <em>polis</em> must negotiate constantly between the interests of collective and individual.</p> <p>The evidence of both athlete and <em>polis</em> commemorations of athletic victory suggests a dynamic tension between promoting the self and remaining, and identifying oneself as, a member of a community. When appropriately channeled into civic benefaction and mutual advantage, agonism enables the self-interest ofthe individual to function within and remain structured by the <em>polis</em>; when it is not channeled in this way, it creates conflict and <em>stasis</em>. Just as in the relationship of athlete and <em>polis</em>, so too the interaction of <em>poleis</em> with each other in the panhellenic sanctuary reveals a tension between the desires for self-promotion and membership in the collective. This creates for <em>poleis</em> an ambivalent dynamic of at once mutual striving and competitive distinction within a common landscape that brings local values, mythologies and heroes to the attention of a panheUenic audience.</p> <p>Rather than equating agonism strictly with conflict or commonality then, this study appreciates agonism as a fundamental aspect of Greek life that was both a product of and productive of rivalry and emulation at the level of athlete and <em>polis</em>, and <em>polis</em> and panhellenic community. The evidence of both athlete and <em>polis </em>monuments suggest that the realization of competition as peer rivalry and emulation allowed room for distinction as predicated on commonality and civic benefit, rather than individualism and egoism.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>p.p1 {margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 11.5px Times}</p> <p>The Latin word mandata referred to a variety of relationships in Roman society that were based on trust, honor, and obligation. These conventions united the private and the public spheres, the personal and the political, and the domestic and the foreign. Modern scholarship has tended to study these phenomena in isolation. Legal scholars have investigated the workings of the contract of mandate as a form of agency between private citizens. Others have focused on the imperial mandata that emperors sent to provincial governors to facilitate administration. The aim of this study is to bridge the gap between these seemingly disparate elements. The fIrst chapter exposes the social norms operating behind the legal contract of mandate, and looks to examples from the early Latin playwright Plautus to illustrate the dynamics of interpersonal trust that gave shape to the law. The second chapter is devoted to the works of Cicero, and shows how the conventions of mandata in personal settings carried over into political and diplomatic duties. In the third chapter I argue that the late 1st century BC authors Caesar, Sallust, and Livy reinforce the patterns found in Cicero, and their writings demonstrate that diplomatic mandata were effectively their own genre. The final chapter focuses on the surviving texts from Suetonius, Tacitus, and Pliny the Younger, and addresses the development of imperial mandata and their impact on Roman society. The literary evidence makes it clear that the Romans did not approach personal, public, and international relations as discrete fields of action, and that they conceptualized their roles within these various spheres according to the same set of values.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>p.p1 {margin: 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px 0.0px; font: 11.5px Times} span.s1 {font: 12.0px Times} span.s2 {font: 11.5px Helvetica} span.s3 {font: 12.0px Helvetica}</p> <p>Despite the large corpus of scholarly writing about the Roman army, the military address to the troops, or adlocutio, has not been studied at length. In an age lacking means of mass communication, the ceremony of adlocutio served as an important tool of the emperors, providing them with the opportunity to convey messages directly to large groups of army personnel in a single speech. The first chapter focuses on the setting, audience, and occasions for the speeches, as well as the important concept of the emperor as commilito or fellow-soldier. In order to better discuss the only substantial surviving text of an imperial speech to the army, chapter two examines Hadrian's early military career before looking at the setting for the address at Lambaesis and then the content of the emperor's speech. The conventions of the adlocutio including the use of gestures and body language, major themes, and common trends in vocabulary are explored in chapter three. Conclusions about the importance, frequency, and common features of the adlocutio complete this study ofthe imperial speeches to the Roman army.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>When we think of Greek epic, our minds generally fly at once to the great poems attributed to Homer, or perhaps to the works of the Epic Cycle, standing in the shadows of the Homeric poems. Similarly, when we consider the great stories of Greek epic, we immediately think of the Trojan War, the Wanderings of Odysseus, and the Voyage of the Argonauts. A comparison of these two casual impressions reveals one strange feature: while the standard versions of the tales of the Trojan War and its aftermath are known to us from the Homeric poems and the Cyclic epics, our fullest and most definitive version of the myth of the Argo comes from the pen of the third century B.C. Alexandrian writer, Apollonios Rhodios.<br /><br />The fact that Apollonios chose the legend for his subject would seem to indicate that no previous author had made it his own, as Homer had done with the story of Odysseus. But in spite of this, the story of the Argo was a popular and very old myth, as is indicated by Euripides' tragedy Medea, and by the Homeric reference to Αργω πασμελoυσα , παρ' 'Αηταο πλεουσα (Odyss. XII, 70). Clearly the subject had been treated by authors previous to Apollonios, and the myth was well-known to the poet of the Odyssey.<br /><br />The myth has been investigated by Miss J. R. Bacon (The Voyage of the Argonauts, Methuen, London 1925), but the object of our study will be to examine the treatment of the myth in the early literary sources, and to attempt some reconstruction of the versions which they presented. This approach will lead us into areas which were not fully examined by Miss Bacon, notably the treatment of the myth in early epic. The examination of the different versions should enable Us to see more clearly the development of the myth. It is hoped that this study may enable us to discover the character of the myth in Homeric times and earlier, and perhaps also to trace it to its ultimate source. In view of this, it will be best to work back through the several authors in an approximately chronological order (as far as this can be determined). <br /><br />Of the authors to be examined, two will come readily . to mind. first there is Pindar, whose Fourth Pythian Ode provides us with our most complete surviving account of the myth before Apollonios, and which, therefore, will be the best place to begin our researches. Secondly, no examination of an early epic subject can be made without reference to the works of Homer, to whom, as we have already noticed, the Argo was wellknown.<br /><br />For other sources to be considered, we shall be guided by the Scholia to Apollonios Rhodios, which often cite the versions given by other authors. Since we have decided to restrict our examination to the work of Pindar and authors previous to him, four sources would seem to be worthy of consideration. These are the genealogist, Pherekydes of Athens, the Boiotian poet, Hesiod, and two early epic poets, Eumelos of Corinth, and the author of the epic called the Naupactia. A chapter will be devoted to the treatment of the myth by each of these authors in turn. Finally, we shall examine the possible origins of the story, and end by outlining the development of some aspects of the myth from the earliest versions up until that of Apollonios.<br /><br />For those of our authors whose work survives only in fragments, references will be given as follows: for Pherekydes they will be to F. Jacoby's Die Fragmente delr griechischen Historiker. Pherekydes is the third author listed by Jacoby, so references will be in the form e.g. 3 F 30 J, meaning the thirtieth fragment of Pherekydes in Jacoby's FGH. References to other authors in FGH will be given in a similar manner. For Hesiod, references are to Carmina Hesiodi (second edit. Teubner, 1902), by Rzach, and will be in the form e.g. F 50 Rz2, meaning the fiftieth fragment in Rzach's second edition. For the two early epic writers, references will be to Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta (Leipzig, 1877), edited by Kinkel, e.g. Eumel. F 2 K; Naup. F 10 K. The edition of the Scholia to Apollonios will be Scholia in Apollonium Rhodium Vetera (recens. C. Wendel, Berol. 1935). <br /><br />A map is provided illustrating most of the places mentioned in the text.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This is a discussion of Hekate as she is represented in the Theogony and the Homeric Hymn to Demeter. In it I attempt to demonstrate that the more familiar sinister aspects of the goddess are not present in her early Greek form, as the literary evidence of the period reveals. This involves an inquiry into the problem of Hekate's original homeland and, as far as can be determined, her character there, as well as the examination of her role in each of the above mentioned poems and a discussion of the possibility that the passages dealing with Hekate are interpolated.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This thesis is an approach to the subject of the production of Aristophanic comedy. Much scholarship over the years has treated the plays as literary works and as social documents, but proportionately little thought has been given to a consideration of the comedies as theatrical productions. One cannot ignore the value of concentrating on the former, but at the same time further and fuller appreciation of both the poet and his plays is ,to be gained by approaching the comedies as scripts without stage directions. It is this latter aspect of Aristophanes with which the paper is concerned. <br /><br />Entrances are an integral and extremely important part of "non-static" drama; the entrance of a new character is the appearance of a fresh element into the play, and therefore it possesses a crucial dramatic importance. It is, however, all too easy when reading a play to take the entrance of a character for granted, and in doing so to ignore its dramatic function. Accordingly this paper attempts to reconstruct, as closely as is possible with only the text to work from, the staging of entrances as they might have been produced in the fifth century B.C.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This thesis examines the structure and contents of the Hymns of Callimachus in comparison with earlier hymns and in the light of influence from other genres of Greek literature.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>A commentary of Ovid's Remedia Amoris, this thesis is intended to be of service to any who may wish to make a further study of the work. I have used the text of Kenney in his Oxford Classical Texts edition (1961).</p> / Master of Arts (MA)