In this dissertation I provide an account of the distribution of Korean clause-typing markers from the perspective of a formal typological model, the Universal Spine Hypothesis (Wiltschko, 2014, 2017). Although Korean clause-typing markers have both syntactic properties (expressing force/mood, Chomsky 2000, 2001) and pragmatic properties (expressing speech styles, Sohn 1999), my investigation focuses on the morphosyntactic properties of clause-typing markers in single-layered and double-layered CPs. I detail their ability to transmit clause type, their compatibility with TAM elements, and their incompatibility with subordinators and speech act elements. My central claim is that, through an association with the linking spine (i.e., CP in generative grammar), clause-typing markers, including ta and e, construct Korean language-specific categories. Clause-typing markers interact with a syntactic domain encoding the common ground of speech participants, the grounding spine. My dissertation has two major findings. First, the morphophonological realization of C is obligatory in both finite and non-finite clauses. I therefore propose a Clause Complementation Parameter (CCP)—all clauses must have a complementizer, and a C must have a correspondent PF realization. This accounts for the expletive-like dummy complementizers e and ci which can fill the head of the three basic clause types. Second, functional elements selecting clause-typing markers support the existence of syntactic projections above the traditional CP. For instance, iterative ko and hearsay y in reiterated and hearsay utterances, respectively, must be associated with the syntactic domain above CP. I argue that along with polite yo and intonation, they construct Korean language-specific categories through their association with the three universal categorizers k: linking, k: grounding, and k: responding. This is formulated as [RespP [GroundP [LinkingP [AnchoringP …-ssPAST] -taDECL] -yHEARSAY] (-yoPOLITE) -↑]. Investigations of the distributions of periphrastic irrealis clause-typing markers and multifunctional clause-typing markers contribute to our understanding of the multifaceted nature of category C: the periphrastic irrealis markers show that C with T can restrict the person feature on the subject. The interpretations of multifunctional markers in different morphosyntactic contexts show that their properties emerge in two ways: through interaction with local elements in the domain or by virtue of their association with hierarchically distinct domains. Assuming the Universal Spine Hypothesis, I have accounted for the morphosyntactic properties of Korean clause-typing markers by proposing language-specific categories considering the functional layers. This dissertation offers a more complete account of Korean grammar but also will provide an explanation for cross-linguistic differences in encoding of clause-typing—Units of Languages change how C appears. / Graduate

Nous soutenons dans ce mémoire qu'il existe, en français québécois, deux sous-types de constructions exclamatives. Située dans un cadre théorique qui participe à la fois de la philosophie du langage (la théorie des actes de langage, Austin, 1962; Searle 1969, Searle, 1979; Searle et Vanderveken 1985) et de la linguistique (la théorie des types de phrase, Sadock et Zwicky, 1985; Reis, 1999), notre analyse porte sur un ensemble de constructions exclamatives en apparence synonymes qui impliquent respectivement les morphèmes -tu, donc et assez (1). (1) Elle est-tu/donc/assez belle! Nous démontrons que si ces exclamatives satisfont aux critères d'identification des constructions exclamatives donnés par Zanuttini et Portner (2003) (factivité, évaluativité/implicature scalaire, expressivité/orientation vers le locuteur et incompatibilité avec les paires de question/réponse), les actes de langage exclamatifs servis par les exclamatives en -tu/donc n'ont pas les mêmes conditions de félicité que les actes de langage exclamatifs servis par les exclamatives en assez. En effet, les exclamatives en -tu/donc imposent une contrainte sur leur contexte d'énonciation par rapport à la position épistémique de l'interlocuteur, lequel doit être en mesure de corroborer le jugement exprimé par le locuteur au moyen de l'exclamative. Les exclamatives en assez n'imposent pas de telle contrainte. Nous démontrons que cette distinction pragmatique peut être corrélée avec des distinctions sémantiques et syntaxiques et concluons qu'il existe bien deux sous-types de constructions exclamatives en français québécois. En ce sens, notre recherche ouvre de nouvelles perspectives empiriques et théoriques pour la description et l'analyse de la grammaire des actes de langage exclamatifs. / In this thesis, we argue that there are two subtypes of exclamative clauses in Quebec French. Based on the Speech Act theory (Austin, 1962; Searle, 1969; Searle & Vanderveken, 1985) and the Clause Type theory (Sadock & Zwicky, 1985; Reis, 1999), our analysis is concerned with a set of seemingly synonymous exclamative constructions respectively marked by the exclamative morphemes -tu, donc, and assez (1). (1) Elle est-tu/donc/assez belle! 'Isn't she pretty!/She's so pretty!' We show that despite the fact that exclamative constructions with -tu, donc, and assez all meet the criteria for the exclamative clause type given by Zanuttini and Portner (2003) (factivity, evaluativity/scalar implicature, expressivity/speaker orientedness and inability to appear in question/answer pairs), exclamative speech acts performed by uttering exclamative constructions with -tu/donc have different felicity conditions than exclamative speech acts performed by uttering exclamative constructions with assez. For an exclamative construction with -tu/donc to be uttered felicitously, the hearer must be in a specific epistemic state: she must be able to corroborate the judgment expressed by the speaker. Exclamative constructions with assez are not subject to such a constraint. We show that this pragmatic distinction can be correlated with syntactic and semantic distinctions and conclude that there are, indeed, two subtypes of exclamative clauses in Quebec French. Our research thus opens new empirical and theoretical perspectives for the description and analysis of the grammar of speech acts.