This new commentary on Aristotle's Rhetoric III serves the purpose which the text held at the Classical Lyceum: elucidating Aristotle's theory of style (lexis) and arrangement (taxis) for scholars, teachers, and practitioners of rhetoric. This commentary provides a much needed update because the last commentary, written by Cambridge classicist E.M. Cope in 1877, is now understood as a misinterpretation that reads Aristotle Platonically, takes seriously only rational appeals, assumes a mimetic theory of language that depreciates style, and misdefines central concepts like the enthymeme and common topics. Providing a new interpretation, this commentary may be summarized by three adjectives: Grimaldian, rhetorical, and accessible. First, this Grimaldian commentary applies the new rhetoric philosophy of William M.A. Grimaldi, S.J., which he explicates in Studies in the Philosophy of Aristotle's Rhetoric (1972) and in his two-volume Commentary (1980-1988), wherein Grimaldi develops an integrated and contextual interpretation of the Rhetoric. Second, this rhetorical commentary observes the rhetoric in the Rhetoric since Aristotle typically practices what he teaches: writing with enthymemes, defining by metaphor, clarifying by antithesis, and arranging units by thesis, analysis, and synthesis. This commentary observes how Aristotle applies his three rhetorical appeals (êthos, pathos, logos), his theories of propriety (prepon), exotic (xenos), and virtue (aretê) in style, and the systems of Greek imagery, all of which develop a unified and interactive theory of invention, style, and arrangement. Attention is given to Aristotle's creative theory of metaphor, being a tropos (turn) and a topos (place) of invention, functioning as a stylistic syllogism for creating knowledge with quick, pleasant learning. Arrangement also functions creatively with localized topical procedures for responding to the particular needs of each part of a composition. Third, this accessible commentary features text, translation, comments, and glossary for readers who may not be familiar with Aristotle's idiom but who have an interest in his rhetorical theory and technical terms. Finally, incorporating recent scholarship, this commentary provides insights from classical rhetoric and new rhetoric, showing their interrelationship and how contemporary research in rhetoric builds on and helps to elucidate Aristotle's expansive rhetoric as a general theory of language.

Since 1968, the Tlatelolco Massacre has been called, by some, a dividing line in Mexican history. For intellectuals, it represents the fourth break in Mexican history. The first three breaks were the Conquest in 1521, the wars of independence beginning in 1810, and the Mexican Revolution of 1910. The Tlatelolco Massacre, then, has been seen as a nation-defining event. But intellectuals were not the only ones for whom Tlatelolco was important. The ruling Partido de la Revolucion Institucional (PRI) had a vested interest in forgetting the massacre. For the PRI, which saw itself as the Mexican Revolution's ideological guardian, the massacre was an unfortunate, but minor event. For the forty years considered in this study, the battle between the two groups has been over how to remember the massacre and how to fit it into the revolutionary narrative. Using memory studies, I examine how the massacre has been remembered and forgotten, and how memories have changed over time. Pioneering studies by Maurice Halbwachs, regarding collective memory, and Pierre Nora, regarding how memory and history converge, have guided my analysis. Emily S. Rosenberg's <italic>A Date Which Will Live</italic> (2003) is another important influence for its discussion of how the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor has been seen since 1941. Also important have been works by Tlatelolco veterans like Elena Poniatowska, Carlos Monsivais, Ramon Ramirez, Gilberto Guevara Niebla, and Raul Alvarez Garin, which illustrate the intellectual idea of the fourth break. While the concept of the fourth break is interesting, intellectuals never convince the broader Mexican public of its efficacy. Consequently, intellectuals withdrew from the leadership position they assumed after the massacre and stopped engaging the public. Instead, they published the same arguments time and again, but only for themselves. At the same time, Tlatelolco never fully disappeared from the public eye. Jorge Fons reinforced the intellectual theory of the fourth break with his film <italic>Rojo amanecer</italic> (1990). Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas declared a day of mourning on 2 October 1998, and Vicente Fox appointed Special Prosecutor Ignacio Carrillo Prieto to investigate not just Tlatelolco, but all the social movements from the 1940s to the 1970s. Thus, despite new information becoming more available, the intellectual pole refused to evolve and take it into consideration. As a result, Tlatelolco still exists in a netherworld.

This dissertation confronts the absence of biological sisterhood in modern critical examinations of nineteenth-century literature. Seizing upon the popular pattern of using familial rhetoric to frame political and social debates in early U.S. history, this project explores women writers who entered those debates via their fictional biological sisters. The biological tie equalizes the sisters' social standing and allows them to function as citizen models within the family - symbolic of the nation. Using popular nineteenth-century serial fiction and collected letters among actual sisters of the same period, chapter one identifies three traits of sisterhood that dominate the fiction and the letters: the importance of the elder sister as a behavioral model, a deep commitment to the long-term well-being of a sister, and the authorial trend of comparing and contrasting sisters. Taken together, these traits allow authors to wield their sisters as models who offer behavioral cues for citizen readers while insisting upon the dedication of one sister-citizen to the well-being of her national sister-citizens. Chapter two addresses Rebecca Rush's Kelroy, a novel that follows the Hammond sisters as they react to the machinations of their mother, Mrs. Hammond, a metaphorical stand-in for Britain. The text is Rush's warning to citizens who do not adequately resist "Mother Britain's" interference. Chapter three examines Ann S. Stephens' Mary Derwent, a text that follows the Derwent Sisters and casts younger sister Mary as the Indian-equivalent "Other" through her physical deformity, a hunchback. Rush disparages those who support Indian Removal policies and advocates for Indian inclusion into the American family. Finally, chapter four examines Elizabeth Stoddard's The Morgesons, a novel published during the Civil War. Despite no overt war references, Stoddard's setting keenly reflects the national landscape, as sisters Veronica and Cassandra exist within a house divided. Following the death of Mrs. Morgeson, Stoddard ponders the post-war future of the United States as the sisters rebuild their lives in a newly reconfigured house under new leadership. Each novel in this project begs for reconsideration as a text that is actively engaged with contemporary national concerns, an engagement that is voiced through the authors' sororal creations.

This dissertation surveys diplomatic relations between the United States and Uruguay between 1903 and 1929, when enigmatic reformer José Batlle y Ordoñez dominated Uruguayan politics and, according to most historians, implemented the first welfare state in the Western Hemisphere. I argue that ideological affinity between Batllistas and Progressive reformers in the United States allowed for significant political, economic, and social interchange between the two states in the period under review. Indeed, Batlle incoprated many US experts and North American ideas in building his model country. This borrowing led to diplomatic amity between the two states, especially in light of the fact that Batlle sought to separate Uruguay from its neo-colonial relationship with Brazil and, much more importantly, Argentina and Britain. This amity resulted in Uruguayan support for the US cause in World War I and, even after Progressives and Batllistas lost power in the 1920s, some semblance of international friendship remained during that decade. I end the dissertation in October 1929, when Batlle died and the New York Stock Exchange crashed. These two events caused a conservative turn in Uruguay and ushered in a new phase in US-Uruguayan relations.

This dissertation argues that German Lutheran women living in south and central Texas from 1831 to 1890 involved themselves in family, church, and community to reconstruct their conservative notions of society in a frontier setting. Going beyond the traditional interpretations of kinder, kuche, und kirche, I show that the women's Lutheran faith informed how they reacted to the immigration process. Frontier conditions allowed these frauen to assume more active and often public roles than they would have done in Germany. However, the women undertook these duties to establish conservative notions of family, church, and gender in their new land. Moreover, even as their faith helped assuage much of the dislocation of immigration for first-generation frauen, they emphasized Lutheran values to descendants whom the women feared were becoming Americanized. Ultimately, Lutheranism informed how these women constructed understandings of family and community while providing a template for what it meant to be a German-Texan.

From 1620 to 1670, four archbishops of Lima attempted to enforce ecclesiastical legislation that aimed at establishing a powerful homogenous institution. Nevertheless, parish priests' particular interests and conflicts between them and their parishioners appeared as reasons for the failure of the archbishops' project for the centralization of the church. Other important reasons for this failure are the distances between the settlement of the parishes and their poorly-defined jurisdictions, which complicated the priests' administration and the church's inability to establish a long-term system of control over the activities of the parish priests. Thus, I present a central church that looked forward to connecting with the local church; but within this project, these issues appeared as obstacles for the implementation of such centralization. Even with the political effort that the archbishops placed on increasing their power in rural areas during the period between 1620 and 1670, the church remained a weak institution.

A test

Presidential dining in the early republic influenced the political climate and shaped diplomatic policy. The materials used, the food chosen, and the manner of accepting guests by each president adapted to changing social norms. After the establishment of presidential dining protocols set forth by the Federalists, and the decidedly more democratic changes implemented by the Democratic-Republicans, the second generation of American presidents reinterpreted the ever-important ideal of "republican simplicity" in the early-nineteenth century.

In the summer of 1863, Confederate General Robert E. Lee and his Army of Northern Virginia invaded Pennsylvania and inaugurated the Gettysburg Campaign. It was the only time during the war when an entire Confederate field army found itself on free soil, and as such, it provides a remarkable opportunity to explore the relationship between Confederate soldiers and Union civilians during the Civil War. Traditionally, advocates of the Lost Cause have contrasted the Army of Northern Virginias treatment of Pennsylvanias residents to Union armies conduct toward southern civilians. In an effort to prove the Confederacys righteousness and salvage pride in the face of defeat, many southerners have rallied to the ideals of the Lost Cause, and it comes across in their discussions of the Confederates march through Pennsylvania. Authors like Clifford Dowdey, Douglas Freeman, and Edward Pollard distinguish Lees Army of Northern Virginia and its second invasion of Union territory with an aura of epic restraint. As a result, the veil of the Lost Cause has obscured the true nature of the relationship between the Confederate invaders and the Union civilians in their path, and the myth has proven difficult for historians to dispel. Interestingly, while popular perceptions of a Marble Man surrounded by an army of chivalrous soldier-saints persist, the historical record does not support these views. By examining a variety of sources and investigating various aspects of soldier-civilian relationships during the march, one can demonstrate that Confederate soldiers actually behaved no better or worse than their Union counterparts during Federal marches through the South. This dissertation endeavors to do just that by comprehensively exploring the actual nature of the relationship between Lees soldiers and Union civilians and the legacy of that relationship in history and memory. In doing so, it stands to fill a glaring gap in the historiography of the Civil War by continuing the tradition of scholarship on civilians in the path of Civil War presented in books like Stephen Ashs When the Yankees Came (1995), Anne Baileys War and Ruin (2002), Mark Grimsleys Hard Hand of War (1995), and Lee Kennetts Marching Through Georgia (1995).

Although numerous scholars have pointed out the need for feminist revisions to classical rhetoric or feminist additions to classical rhetoric, few scholars have examined the ways in which these two bodies of scholarship might work together. Many feminists either ignore theories of classical rhetoric or view classical rhetoric as an area that offers little insight into feminist rhetorical theories. While perhaps not intending to, the exclusion of classical rhetoric actually undermines feminist ideas of inclusion and coaxes feminists into an "either/or" mentality. By illustrating the areas of overlap and the relationships between classical rhetoric and invitational rhetoric--such as the emphasis on increasing understanding, the importance of ethos as communally constructed, and the possibility of end results of rhetoric other than persuasion--this study will open up and redeem classical rhetoric as a site for feminist scholarship, encouraging a "both/and" mentality, and will provide a way to view feminist rhetoric and classical rhetoric side by side, as harmonious rhetorical theories.