University of the Witwatersrand Faculty of Humanities Political Studies Master’s Research Report, February 2017 / The history of segregation in South Africa is well documented. The shadows of the apartheid system still linger in society to date, especially in the form of racial inequality, race consciousness and racial classification. Contemporary student protests and vandalism in institutions of higher education reveal deep-seated tensions that open a can of worms concerning race and equality – elements that have long been of concern in the Black Consciousness Movement and its ideology in the early 1960s and 70s. This research report assesses how Black Consciousness tenets’ and rhetoric are re-emerging in the current national student movement, from the #RhodesMustFall to the #FeesMustFall movements. Black Consciousness ideology in South Africa, as articulated by Biko, sought the attainment of a radical egalitarian and non-racial society. Amongst some of the espoused principles of the Black Consciousness Movement that defined South African youth politics in the 1970s, is that Black Consciousness emphasised values of black solidarity, self-reliance, individual and collective responsibility, and black liberation. The year 2015 witnessed the resurgence of Black Consciousness language at the forefront of student movements, most notably the #RhodesMustFall and the #FeesMustFall campaigns. The #FeesMustFall movement and its supporters uphold that their cause is legitimate because it does not make sense for household incomes to depreciate next to escalating costs of living and rising tuition fees. It further states that the ANC fears it because its demands stand contrary to ANC-led government’s interests and have accused the ANC of attempting to capture the movement – hence the declaration that #FeesMustFall is a direct critique of the entire socio-economic and political order of the ruling ANC and exposes ANC corruption and betrayal. The movement continues, though its cause tends to be diluted and convoluted, the struggle is real but so is the legacy of Biko and the spirit of Black Consciousness. / MT2018

This research project explored how young women involved in political organizations make sense of apartheid history and how they appropriate that history into their identities. Nine black women students who were involved in political organizations were interviewed from the University of Witswatersrand. The women that were chosen participated in a narrative style interview about their lives and the history of apartheid. The data were then analyzed using narrative thematic analysis and organised in the temporal zones of past, present and future. The analysis revealed the complexities of race, class and gender and how these are embodied, enacted and made sense of in the construction and reconstruction of the identities of these young women. In imagining and reflecting on the apartheid past, race was understood through both distant, public narratives and through personal and intimate family narratives. Gendered roles or positions were talked about in reference to three thematic symbols of women as nurturers, iconic wives and heroes. In progression from the apartheid past and its particular, separated and structured understanding of race and gender, the journey into the present and future, reflects increasingly complex, dynamic and multilayered understandings. In particular, the conflation of race and class under apartheid is beginning to fragment and these young women are thinking through their positionality in terms of personal class mobility and simultaneous identification as black and committed to the continuation of race struggles. It is also very clear that the question of gender equality is now very prominent for these young women as they navigate their roles in political leadership in the present and envisage themselves in the future.

莫麗明. / 打字複印本. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學硏究院新聞與傳播學部. / Da zi fu yin ben. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 97-102). / Mo Liming. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue yan jiu yuan xin wen yu chuan bao xue bu. / Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、一 --- 前言 --- p.2 / Chapter 一、二 --- 研究目的及範圍 --- p.3 / Chapter 一、三 --- 基本概念 --- p.4 / Chapter 一、四 --- 研究之問題 --- p.6 / Chapter 一、五 --- 研究的特點及限制 --- p.6 / Chapter 一、六 --- 囘顧「一九九七」 --- p.7 / Chapter 第二章 --- 文獻同顧一處境理論 --- p.12 / Chapter 二、一 --- 處境理論簡介 --- p.13 / Chapter 二、二 --- 處境變項和認知處境的類型 --- p.14 / Chapter 二、二、一 --- 問題的認知 --- p.14 / Chapter 二、二、二 --- 問題限制的認知 --- p.15 / Chapter 二、二、三 --- 問題的關切性 --- p.17 / Chapter 二、二、四 --- 参考準則 --- p.18 / Chapter 二、三 --- 傳播行為 --- p.19 / Chapter 二、四 --- 認知類型的傳播行為 --- p.22 / Chapter 二、四、一 --- 認知處境的類型 --- p.22 / Chapter 二、四、二 --- 樂觀型的傳播行為 --- p.24 / Chapter 二、四、三 --- 拘束型的傳播行為 --- p.24 / Chapter 二、四、四 --- 常規型的傳播行為 --- p.25 / Chapter 二、四、五 --- 悲觀型的傳播行為 --- p.25 / Chapter 二、四、六 --- 問題關切性對認知類型的傳播行為之影响 --- p.25 / Chapter 二、四、七 --- 参考架構對認知類型的傳播行為之影响 --- p.26 / Chapter 第三章 --- 研究方法 --- p.27 / Chapter 三、一 --- 基本概念的運作定義 --- p.28 / Chapter 三、二 --- 研究假設 --- p.29 / Chapter 三、二、一 --- 認知類型與傳播行為 --- p.30 / Chapter 三、二、二 --- 問題的關切性與類型的傳播行為 --- p.31 / Chapter 三、二、三 --- 内在参考架構與類型的傳播行為 --- p.31 / Chapter 三、三 --- 測量方法一問卷設計 --- p.32 / Chapter 三、四 --- 抽樣 --- p.34 / Chapter 三、五 --- 資料搜集 --- p.35 / Chapter 三、六 --- 分析方法 --- p.36 / Chapter 笫四章 --- 研究結果 --- p.38 / Chapter 四、一 --- 選樣學生的基本特徵 --- p.39 / Chapter 四、一、一 --- 學生的背景資料 --- p.39 / Chapter 四、一、二 --- 學生對四個處境變項的認知程度 --- p.41 / Chapter 四、一、三 --- 學生的傳播行為 --- p.47 / Chapter 四、二 --- 四種類型的學生分佈及特徵 --- p.52 / Chapter 四、二、一 --- 四種類型的學生分佈情況 --- p.52 / Chapter 四、二、二 --- 不同類型學生的背景資料 --- p.53 / Chapter 四、二、三 --- .不同類型學生對處境變項之認知程度 --- p.56 / Chapter 四、三 --- 不同類型學生的傳播行為 --- p.59 / Chapter 四、三、一 --- 接觸新聞的頻密程度 --- p.59 / Chapter 四、三、二 --- 留意「九七」新聞内容的詳細程度 --- p.62 / Chapter 四、三、三 --- 使用傳媒的頻密程度 --- p.63 / Chapter 四、三、四 --- 傳媒的有效程度 --- p.65 / Chapter 四、三、五 --- 小結 --- p.66 / Chapter 四、四 --- 問題關切性、政治態度、政治興趣對於樂觀型、拘束型兩類學生傳播行為之影响 --- p.67 / Chapter 四、四、一 --- 類型與問題的關切性 --- p.67 / Chapter 四、四、二 --- 類型與政治態度 --- p.68 / Chapter 四、四、三 --- 類型與政治興趣 --- p.69 / Chapter 四、四、四 --- 小結 --- p.70 / Chapter 第五章 --- 研究結果摘要及討論 --- p.72 / Chapter 五、一 --- 樂觀、拘束二型的分佈 --- p.73 / Chapter 五、二 --- 樂觀、拘束二型學生的傳播行為 --- p.74 / Chapter 五、二、一 --- 接觸新聞的頻密程度 --- p.74 / Chapter 五、二、二 --- 留意「九七」新聞及《聯合聲明》内容的詳細程度 --- p.77 / Chapter 五、二、三 --- 使用傳媒的頻密程度 --- p.79 / Chapter 五、二、四 --- 傳媒的有效程度 --- p.81 / Chapter 五、三 --- 干涉變項對樂觀，拘束二型學生的傳播行為之影响 --- p.83 / Chapter 五、三、一 --- 問題的關切性 --- p.83 / Chapter 五、三、二 --- 對中共的政治態度 --- p.84 / Chapter 五、三、三 --- 對政治的興趣 --- p.84 / Chapter 笫六章 --- 總結及建議 --- p.92 / Chapter 六、一 --- 總結 --- p.93 / Chapter 六、二 --- 建議 --- p.94 / 參考書目 --- p.96 / Chapter 附錄I --- 圖表 --- p.103 / Chapter 附錄II --- 問卷 --- p.136

by Stephen Eugene Parr. / Typescript. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 445-456).

Thesis (Ph.D.(History)) -- University Of Limpopo, 2022 / The problem under investigation in this thesis is centred on the complex changes and transformation in student activism at the University of Limpopo (UL) during the period 1968-2015. The overreaching objectives of the study were to unpack the changing conceptualisation of student politics, tactics and strategies deployed in realising student needs and interests in the creation of South Africa’s contested transition from the openly racist apartheid system to a liberal democratic regime enshrined in the 1996 constitution. Periodisation theory, which conceptualises and frames development or change and transformation of historical phenomena as unfolding in terms of distinctive time periods, was used to provide historical insight into the evolution of student activism. The cognitive merits and possibilities of periodisation theory were enhanced by integrating Altbach’s Theory of Student Activism, which stresses the Importance of recognising and grasping the unique characteristics of student activists and their organisations in higher education systems. The resultant theoretical framework produced a cognitive structure which provided the researcher with concepts and ideation to make sense of the difficult and complex reconfiguration demanded, especially by the transition. The methodology utilised in the study involved collecting and analysing data from both primary and secondary sources. The primary data was acquired from a sample of former students who were registered at UL during the period covered by the study. The Thematic Content Analyses (TCA) approach distilled themes embedded in the data collected. An overreaching finding of the study is that while it was relatively easy for Black students to conceptualise and decode the nature of oppression and struggle in an openly racialised system, such as apartheid, the ascendance to state power of Black leaders of liberation movements, some of whom were militant student activists prior to 1994, created a political landscape which made it difficult for students to decode what was required to deepen liberation and freedom. Some of the difficulties manifested themselves inter alia in the scandalous vandalisation of University resources, such as libraries, cars and classrooms. More than twenty years into “democracy”, however, student activists began to penetrate and decode deeper layers of oppression, hidden by the dense fog of liberal democracy, which needed to be dismantled. It is in this sense that the thesis views the eruption of the 2015 #Fees Must Fall movement and the accompanying curriculum decolonisation battles in South Africa as constituting a revolutionary landmark in the evolution of student activism. Student activists since 2015 seemed to have come to the realisation that liberal democratic rights and freedoms were incapable of dismantling white supremacy (racism), which is at the heart of the subjugation and oppression of Black people in South Africa and beyond. The thesis recommends, inter alia, that the relative invisibility of the role of women in studies of this nature is troubling and that historians must urgently solve this lacuna

In March 1960, Atlanta University Center students began a nonviolent direct action protest campaign designed to break down racial segregation in lunch counters and other public facilities in downtown Atlanta. The students' efforts had an effect within the Center from which their protests emanated. This thesis is an effort to study those effects, The approach in doing so is intrainstitutional as well as intraracial. The areas discussed are the students' organization, their efforts to take care of academic responsibilities while protesting, and the pressures between them and their parents, faculty, and college presidents. The method of the thesis is that of oral history and major sources used in the research were fifteen oral interviews conducted in 1978 and 1979.